Atanas Badev

Atanas Badev (Cyrillic: Атанас Бадев) (January 1860 – 21 September 1908) was a Bulgarian[3][4][5] composer and music teacher. Per post-WWII Macedonian historiography[6][7][8] he was an ethnic Macedonian.[9]

Bulgarian teachers in Thessaloniki. Badev is third from left on the top row. Badev was a teacher in both - Bulgarian Men's High School of Thessaloniki and Bulgarian Girls' High School of Thessaloniki.[1][2]

Biography

Badev was born in Prilep, Ottoman Empire, present day North Macedonia. His family sent him to study at the Bulgarian Men's High School of Thessaloniki, but he graduated from his secondary education in 1884 at the First Male High School of Sofia.[10] After the Bulgarian unification of 1885, Badev denounced the actions of the Bulgarian Secret Central Revolutionary Committee as premature because he believed that Macedonia should first join to Eastern Rumelia, and then to think of their common unification with the Principality of Bulgaria.[11] Initially he studied Mathematics at the University of Odessa. He studied later music in Moscow and St. Petersburg and was taught by, to mention a few, the great Russian composers Balakirev and Nikolai Rimsky-Korsakov. In 1888 and 1889 for the education of Badev funds were granted from the Bulgarian government as a special grant for a young talent.[12] Apart from his choral adaptations of folk and children's songs, Badev is also the composer of The Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom (first published in Leipzig in 1898), one of the most significant works of this genre from the end of the 19th century.[13] He taught at different Bulgarian schools.[14] From 1890-1891, then, in 1896, he worked as a music teacher in Thessaloniki, in 1892 in Bitola, in 1897-1898 in Ruse, in 1899 in Samokov, and from 1901 to his death in Kyustendil. In 1904 Atanas Badev presented to the Second Congress of Music Teachers in Sofia a report on the rhythms and metrics of Bulgarian folk songs.[15] He died in 1908 in Kyustendil, Bulgaria.

His son, Petar, died during the First World War at the Macedonian front as Bulgarian army officer from the 8th Infantry Regiment.[16]

See also

References
  1. Yearbook of the Vilayet of Thessaloniki, No. 12, p. 165-167, 1893. İBB Atatürk Kitaplığı (Atatürk Library at the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality)
  2. Кр. Мархолева, 160 години от рождението на Михаил Сарафов (1854–1924) и 90 години от смъртта му, сп. Българка, 2014, бр. 4, стр. 37.
  3. The New Grove dictionary of music and musicians, George Grove, Stanley Sadie Macmillan, 1980, ISBN 0-333-23111-2, p. 343.
  4. Krisztina Lajosi, Andreas Stynen, Choral Societies and Nationalism in Europe, National Cultivation of Culture, BRILL, 2015, ISBN 9004300856, p. 258.
  5. Augustine Casiday as ed. The Orthodox Christian World, Routledge, 2012, ISBN 1136314849, p. 536.
  6. The origins of the official Macedonian national narrative are to be sought in the establishment in 1944 of the Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. This open acknowledgment of the Macedonian national identity led to the creation of a revisionist historiography whose goal has been to affirm the existence of the Macedonian nation through the history. Macedonian historiography is revising a considerable part of ancient, medieval, and modern histories of the Balkans. Its goal is to claim for the Macedonian peoples a considerable part of what the Greeks consider Greek history and the Bulgarians Bulgarian history. The claim is that most of the Slavic population of Macedonia in the 19th and first half of the 20th century was ethnic Macedonian. For more see: Victor Roudometof, Collective Memory, National Identity, and Ethnic Conflict: Greece, Bulgaria, and the Macedonian Question, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002, ISBN 0275976483, p. 58; Victor Roudometof, Nationalism and Identity Politics in the Balkans: Greece and the Macedonian Question in Journal of Modern Greek Studies 14.2 (1996) 253-301.
  7. Yugoslav Communists recognized the existence of a Macedonian nationality during WWII to quiet fears of the Macedonian population that a communist Yugoslavia would continue to follow the former Yugoslav policy of forced Serbianization. Hence, for them to recognize the inhabitants of Macedonia as Bulgarians would be tantamount to admitting that they should be part of the Bulgarian state. For that the Yugoslav Communists were most anxious to mold Macedonian history to fit their conception of Macedonian consciousness. The treatment of Macedonian history in Communist Yugoslavia had the same primary goal as the creation of the Macedonian language: to de-Bulgarize the Macedonian Slavs and to create a separate national consciousness that would inspire identification with Yugoslavia. For more see: Stephen E. Palmer, Robert R. King, Yugoslav communism and the Macedonian question, Archon Books, 1971, ISBN 0208008217, Chapter 9: The encouragement of Macedonian culture.
  8. At any rate, the beginning of the active national-historical direction with the historical “masterpieces”, which was for the first time possible in 1944, developed in Macedonia much harder than was the case with the creation of the neighbouring nations of the Greeks, Serbs, Bulgarians and others in the 19th century. These neighbours almost completely "plundered" the historical events and characters from the land, and there was only debris left for the belated nation. A consequence of this was that first that parts of the “plundered history” were returned, and a second was that an attempt was made to make the debris become a fundamental part of an autochthonous history. This resulted in a long phase of experimenting and revising, during which the influence of non-scientific instances increased. This specific link of politics with historiography in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia... was that this was a case of mutual dependence, i.e. influence between politics and historical science, where historians do not simply have the role of registrars obedient to orders. For their significant political influence, they had to pay the price for the rigidity of the science... There is no similar case of mutual dependence of historiography and politics on such a level in Eastern or Southeast Europe.For more see: Stefan Trobest, “Historical Politics and Histrocial ‘Masterpieces’ in Macedonia before and after 1991”, New Balkan Politics, 6 (2003).
  9. Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts Archived 2008-04-15 at the Wayback Machine
  10. Известия, том 18. Народна библиотека „Кирил и Методий“, Софийски университет, 1983, стр. 359.
  11. ..."Съединението обаче на Източна Румелия с Княжество България, чийто главни двигатели бяха същевременно и ръководители на Пловдивското Македонско дружество, предизвика един разрив между учащата се младеж в София. Някои младежи, начело с Атанас Бадев, осъждаха Пловдивското Македонско дружество, както и самото Съединение и мислеха, че Македония трябва да се присъедини първо към Източна Румелия и после да се мисли за Съединението с България."...Д-р Христо Татарчев, Македонския въпрос, България, Балканите и Общността на Народите, Съставители - Цочо Билярски, Валентин Радев (Унив. Изд. „Св. Климент Охридски", 1996) Archived July 7, 2011, at the Wayback Machine
  12. Танчев, Иван. Българската държава и обучението на българи в чужбина (1879 – 1892), София 1994, с. 148.
  13. Танчев, Иван. Македонският компонент при формирането на българската интелигенция с европейско образование (1878 – 1912). Македонски преглед XXIV (3). 2001. с. 48.
  14. Dimitar Bechev, Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia, Volume 68 of Historical Dictionaries of Europe, Scarecrow Press, 2009, ISBN 0810862956, p. 22.
  15. Научни трудове на Русенския Университет – 2008, том 47, серия 5.2. Народната песен в българския музикален фолклор. Пелагия Векилова, Светла Минкова, стр. 191.
  16. ДВИА, ф. 39, оп. 3, а.е. 24, л. 12
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