Juan Sáenz-Díez García

Juan Sáenz-Díez García (1904–1990) was a Spanish entrepreneur and Carlist politician. In business he is known among key managers of the Simeón García family conglomerate. In politics he counted among architects of cautiously collaborative course during mid-Francoism and leader of a Traditionalist organization Comunión Tradicionalista, active during the transición period. He is also recognized as owner of an iconic Galician daily El Correo Gallego.

Juan Sáenz-Díez García
Born
Juan Sáenz-Díez García

1904
Santiago de Compostela,[1] Spain
Died1990
Madrid, Spain
NationalitySpanish
Occupationbusiness manager
Known forpolitician
Political partyComunión Tradicionalista, Comunión Tradicionalista (1977)

Family and youth
Torrecilla en Cameros

Both Sáenz-Díez[2] and Garcia families originated from the comarca of Cameros in the Logroño province. Juan's paternal grandfather, Pedro Sáenz-Díez Ibarra, was related to petty textile manufacturing in Torecilla de Cameros.[3] His son and Juan's father, Acisclo Sáenz-Díez de la Riva (1867-1905),[4] was also born in Cameros.[5] As a youngster he left his native town and moved to Galicia, not an unlikely decision as there was a notable influx of migrants from Logroño to Galicia at the time.[6] He settled in Santiago, assisting relatives in family business and becoming a successful entrepreneur.[7] At unspecified data he married Isabel García Blanco (1873–1956), daughter of a trade tycoon Simeón García de Olalla y de la Riva (1823–1889).[8] Also a Riojano from Cameros and also a migrant to Galicia, back in the 1850s[9] he launched a trading company dealing in textiles.[10] By the late 1880s he was already operating a number of companies which grew to major business; active in all of Northern Spain from Galicia to Catalonia, they gave rise to a family fortune.[11] Acisclo and Isabel settled in Santiago; it is not clear how many children the couple had.[12]

Following the death of his father-in-law it was Acisclo Sáenz-Díez who became – together with his mother-in-law, Juana Blanca Navarrete – the moving spirit behind the Simeón García trading empire.[13] Though not admitted as partner,[14] he grew to manager of the key family company, Viuda y Hijos de Simeón García,[15] developing the retail network further on.[16] He also engaged in local Galician electricity[17] and railway businesses,[18] launching some new companies on his own.[19] Following premature death of Acisclo the widow moved to Barcelona,[20] but it is not clear whether the young Juan was raised in Santiago or in the Catalan capital; none of the sources consulted provides also any information on his early education. He studied probably in Santiago;[21] neither the faculty where he studied nor the graduation date is known. In the mid-1920s he was already engaged in running the family business.[22]

University of Santiago

In 1933[23] Juan Sáenz-Díez married María de las Mercedes Gándara García (d. 1978); she was the daughter of Joaquín de la Gándara y Carrillo, a fiscal official[24] and owner of land property in Miranda del Duero,[25] and Cándida García Verde,[26] the sister of Carlist leader José María García Verde;[27] in the early 1920s Joaquín de la Gándara had claimed the title of Barón de Velasco.[28] The couple settled in Madrid; they had 8 children.[29] The best known of them, Juan Ignacio Sáenz-Díez de la Gándara, was to become a professor of Arabic studies,[30] expert in numismatics[31] and during early transición an UCD Cortes deputy.[32] Javier is a lawyer[33] and artist,[34] while Carmen Sáenz-Díez de la Gándara was president of a pro-life organization in Lugo.[35] Two sons dedicated their lives to religion: Fernando was a Jesuit priest[36] while José Luis Sáenz-Díez de la Gándara was a parochial priest in Carabanchel.[37] Also Juan's granddaughter, Fátima Santaló Sáenz-Díez, became a nun,[38] while her sister Mercedes was champion of Spain in the discus throw.[39]

Businessman
press advert, 1930s

Though not majority partners, the Sáenz-Díez Garcías emerged as the most influential branch of all the Simeón García descendants, holding some 30% stakes in the family conglomerate.[40] Juan was from his youth being prepared to enter the business. Having reached the legal age, in 1923 he was registered as member of the board of Hijos de Simeón García de Santiago SRC and Hijos de Simeón García S.A,[41] two companies forming part of the family retail group; it is not clear what exactly his role was. In the late 1920s he lived in the United States, getting familiar with the New York stock exchange; the heirs of Simeón García lost some $1m during the Wall Street 1929 crash.[42] Back in Spain he resumed duties in other family companies, though he attempted also to start his own business; he launched a manufacturing company Iría S.A.[43] and in the mid-1930s became president of Coloniales Sáenz-Díez S.A., an enterprise trading in colonial and overseas goods.[44]

Though in terms of ownership the Sáenz-Díez branch saw their share of the Simeón García business reduced to some 15%, Juan was assuming key positions in more and more legal entities; in the early 1950s engaged in 3 companies, in the mid-1950s he was already active in 5 and in the late 1960s in 7.[45] It seems that he was among major managers within the family, though not assuming a leading position held earlier by his father. Sáenz-Díez role was reflected by his 1965 appointment to first president of Banco Simeón, a freshly created financial arm of the group.[46] He later ceded the rotating presidency[47] but contributed to growth of the bank in the 1970s,[48] remaining in its executive also after it was bought by Banco Exterior de España later on.[49] In 1966 he entered the board of Almacenes Simeón, a new company operating a chain of shopping malls,[50] and in 1968 he was nominated vice-president of Federación Financiera,[51] in 1971 fully converted into a holding controlling key companies owned by the family.[52] The early 1980s were the period when Sáenz-Díez was in the executive of 9 companies, but by the midst of the decade he started to withdraw from business engagements, shortly before death holding key positions only in few entities.[53]

Madrid, former Simeón mall

Apart from major managerial roles in family owned companies, Sáenz-Díez was active also in corporative commercial and labor organizations. Its climax fell on the 1950s, when he became known as a young and dynamic businessman.[54] In 1951 he co-founded Acción Social Patronal, a Catholic labor organization somewhat competitive to official syndical structure,[55] and entered its Comisión Nacional.[56] Also in the early 1950s he grew to president of Consejo Superior de las Cámaras Oficiales de Comercio, Industria y Navegación en España,[57] though it is not clear how long he held the job. Beyond the retail and wholesale trade realm he was active also in associations of the banking industry, stemming from his role in Banco Simeón, Banco de Crédito y Inversiones and other finance companies.[58]

Civil War: political rise (1936)
Requete on parade

Sáenz-Díez’ ancestors made their name in business, but they stayed clear of politics and nothing is known of their preferences. Until his early 30s also Juan did not demonstrate any penchant either for political activity or for public engagements. In the 1920s his only endeavors were those related to the local Santiago societé[59] and tourist organizations;[60] once in the early 1930s he had moved to Madrid he was noted merely for presence in Junta de Gobierno of Ler Gallego, an association of the Gallegos living in the capital.[61] Though in the final years of the Republic he donated small sums to right-wing press,[62] he was not recognized as militant of any party of grouping.

During the July 1936 coup the family were enjoying summer holiday in Galicia, the region fairly easily seized by the rebels. It was only at this point that Sáenz-Díez became known as enthusiastically throwing himself into politics. In the late August letter to other family members, made public by the press, he emphatically declared that half-hearted reforms of Primo de Rivera must not be repeated and that "hay que removerlo todo y renovarlo todo" in order to restore the traditional, Catholic and missionary Spain.[63] The letter, bordering a political declaration, was strongly flavored by Traditionalism. He hailed local Galician requeté units, heading towards the León front, and boasted his 2-year-old son, Juan Ignacio, wearing a Carlist beret "con borla y todo".[64] He also engaged the family capital in purchase of an established Ferrol daily El Correo Gallego, turning it into a Traditionalist tribune.[65]

Carlist standard

In the late summer and early autumn of 1936 Sáenz-Díez recorded a spectacular rise to nationwide Carlist executive structures. None of the sources consulted provides any information on its logic and it is not clear what mechanism within few weeks elevated him from a newcomer to member of the party command group.[66] However, it is likely that his personal links with the group of former Andalusian Integrists, forged by means of marriage, contributed to the process.[67] He is not listed as member of early Carlist wartime governing bodies, formed in August,[68] but in some sources he appears as forming part of them possibly as early as in September, referred to diminutively as "Juanito".[69] By the end of the year he was already confirmed as member of Junta Nacional Carlista de Guerra; out of its two sections, the War and the Administrative ones, he formed part of the latter, based in Burgos, and together with José María Valiente and José María Lamamié emerged as its key personality. Formally he was heading a logistics sub-division named Delegación de Intendencia.[70]

Early Francoism: in opposition (1937–1955)
Franco, 1940s

In late December 1936 Sáenz-Díez took part in a meeting of Junta Nacional in Toledo,[71] intended to discuss Franco's demand that the party leader, Manuel Fal, leaves Spain; nothing is known about his position on the issue.[72] In February 1937 as delegado de intendencia[73] he travelled to the Portuguese Insua, where the exiled Fal had settled, to agree Carlist position versus the looming threat of amalgamation into a new state party.[74] The meeting seemed to have ended with supporters of an intransigent stand gaining the upper hand,[75] but during the next two meetings the balance tilted towards a conciliatory position and ultimately non-resistance to Unification Decree. It is not known whether initially Sáenz-Díez formed part of the pro-unification or the anti-unification faction, but afterward he tended to ally with the latter. In course of 1937 and 1938 he went on editing El Correo Gallego along vaguely Traditionalist lines. Formally a property of a freshly set up Editorial Compostela S.A., the daily was spared amalgamation into the Francoist propaganda machinery; its headquarters was moved from El Ferrol to Santiago, a Traditionalist José Goñi Aizpurúa was recruited as its chief editor[76] and its infrastructure underwent technological upgrade, fitted with modern printing machinery.[77]

Informaciones (issue from 1940s)

Upon the final 1939 Nationalist victory Sáenz-Díez was among signatories of Manifestación de los Ideales Tradicionalistas, a memorandum addressed to Franco and demanding instauration of a Traditionalist monarchy.[78] In the early 1940s member of Junta Auxiliar, a loose and makeshift leadership group of increasingly fragmented and bewildered movement, he adopted a skeptical though not openly challenging stand towards the regime, in internal documents lambasting it as "intruso e usurpador".[79] In 1943 he co-signed another manifesto, known as Reclamación de poder; handed to general Vigon and delivered to though not acknowledged by Franco, it re-emphasized earlier Traditionalist demands.[80] In 1944 together with few other Carlist leaders Sáenz-Diez took part in a meeting with Juanistas, intended to discuss a would-be coup against Franco, but voiced against taking any bold action;[81] in 1945 he was present during Carlist riots in Pamplona,[82] later detained in his Madrid house and brought to the Navarrese capital for investigation; it is not clear what administrative measures were applied against him.[83]

In the late 1940s Sáenz-Díez remained member of the rather inactive Carlist leadership, in 1947 nominated to the first post-war Consejo Nacional[84] and taking part in meager party initiatives, also abroad.[85] When in the early 1950s Manuel Fal commenced a project of launching a semi-official national Carlist daily, due to his business position Sáenz-Díez was entrusted with bringing it to a successful end. Since 1951 he set sights on Informaciones, an ailing Madrid commercial newspaper;[86] following some legal and financial maneuvering, in 1953 he purchased the daily.[87] Formally his private property, it was left at disposal of Comunión Tradicionalista[88] and pursued its editorial line.[89] Sáenz-Díez entered Consejo de Administración and brought new staff to the newspaper, transferring his old collaborator Goñi Aizpurúa from El Correo Gallego and attracting other professionals.[90]

Mid-Francoism: collaborationist (1955–1963)
Valiente (earlier photo)

In the mid-1950s the leadership of Fal was challenged by two factions: one advocated more intransigent opposition and another suggested rapprochement with the regime; Sáenz-Díez was among the latter.[91] In 1955 the claimant Don Javier[92] appointed him to new Junta Nacional,[93] a body officially supposed to assist Fal but in fact undermining his leadership.[94] Fal resigned shortly afterwards; there was no successor appointed as Jefe Delegado, and in 1956 the party leadership was transferred to a new collegial executive, named Secretaria Nacional and presided by José María Valiente. Sáenz-Díez was one of its 4 members, entering strict command layer of the party.[95] He was also appointed head of the economic section,[96] named Secretario Nacional de Hacienda;[97] effectively he remained the Carlist treasurer.[98]

Sáenz-Díez emerged as one of the key architects of the party strategy. On the one hand, he tried to fight off a faction seeking dynastical alliance with the Alfonsinos and ensured that its representatives, like Araúz de Robles, were sidetracked;[99] firmly loyal to the Borbón-Parmas, he dissuaded the claimant from returning to a vague regency formula.[100] On the other, he contained those sticking to vehemently anti-Francoist course, like a semi-rebellious Junta de las Regiones.[101] He prepared a memorandum, advocating cautious co-operation with the regime; clinging to own identity, it proposed "June 18" as basis of common understanding with Falange. Its key points were rejection of economic liberalism, hostility to parliamentary democracy and keeping the Juanista monarchists at bay. However, the document pointed also to a need of numerous changes, directed at removing quasi-totalitarian features of the regime and at some sort of official institutionalization of Carlism.[102]

Zamanillo (earlier photo)

In the late 1950s Sáenz-Díez enjoyed his political climax, together with Valiente and José Luis Zamanillo remaining behind the steering wheel of the Carlist politics;[103] according to some he formed the party ruling triumvirate.[104] In 1957 the three negotiated ministerial jobs with José Luis Arrese;[105] the same year during an annual Montejurra congregation he was among those introducing the prince Carlos Hugo,[106] who in turn delivered a speech sounding like an offer to Franco. Prior to the gathering the following year he even pre-agreed the Carlos Hugo speech with the regime officials,[107] in 1959 underlining common combatant past of the Requeté and the Falangists[108] and engineering further collaborative strategy.[109]

With Valiente nominated Jefe Delegado, in 1960 the Secretariat was dissolved; Sáenz-Díez was nominated delegate for Catalonia, Aragon and Valencia;[110] in 1961 triumvirate commenced cooperation with the entourage of Don Carlos Hugo. It seemed that both groups went together well,[111] and Sáenz-Díez has even contributed to Azada y asta, a new periodical controlled by the Hugocarlistas.[112] However, in private the latter viewed him as a rotten reactionary.[113] They took advantage of financial failure of Editorial Tradicionalista;[114] the Carlists by a small fraction lost control over the board,[115] resulting in Informaciónes slipping out of their hand. In 1963 he ceased as party treasurer;[116] following expulsion of Zamanillo also the triumvirate broke down, marking the shift of power balance within the party towards the Hugocarlistas.[117]

Late Francoism: sidetracked (1964–1975)
Madrid 1967: Carlist and Alfonsist heir-to-the-throne pretenders with their wives

As the Hugocarlista strategy embraced diluting the powers of Secretariado by new bodies in the governing scheme,[118] the position of Sáenz-Díez decreased. He found it increasingly difficult to co-operate with the young entourage of Don Carlos Hugo, estranged by their ambiguous socially-driven rhetoric.[119] Though at that time some likewise concerned party pundits[120] dissociated themselves from Comunión, Sáenz-Díez did not; unhappy by what he dubbed camarilla of the prince, in the mid-1960s he merely started to withdraw to the second row.[121] As key associate of Valiente, he still counted within the party, though gradually moved from executive to decorative bodies. In 1966 he was appointed to Consejo Privado of Don Javier, intended as camouflage to now almost open Progressist bid for power.[122]

Marginalized in the party, Sáenz-Díez tried his hand in official politics. In 1963 he ran for the Madrid ayuntamiento[123] from Tercio de Entidades Culturales, Económicos y Profesionales,[124] a pool reserved for corporate establishments; his bid was not successful.[125] In 1967 he stood for the Cortes in his native Galicia, taking part in newly introduced, semi-free elections for the pool reserved for the so-called Tercio Familiar.[126] He did not invoke Carlist identity and preferred to exploit general conservative appeal,[127] but the campaign did not work. While the frontrunner attracted support of some 141,000 voters, he had to settle for mere 28,000 ballots.[128]

In the late 1960s the power struggle within Carlism between Traditionalists and Progressists was already rife. Clearly siding with the former, following the 1968 dismissal of Valiente Sáenz-Díez was increasingly isolated; he did not receive appointment to the new Junta Suprema.[129] Some of the Hugocarlista-controlled papers started to lambast him as a dissenter who lost the opportunity to become a respected retiree[130] and he has not been invited to speak at Montejurra again.[131] However, Traditionalists were still able to mount defense;[132] besides, Sáenz-Díez was useful when prompted to protest against the 1968 expulsion of Don Carlos Hugo from Spain.[133] In 1968 he was elected to Consejo Real,[134] a new, 5-member advisory body, supposed to assist the Don Javier.[135]

Don Javier and family, early 1970s

At the turn of the decades Sáenz-Díez stayed clear of Partido Carlista, a new Hugocarlista-dominated organization, and stuck to the old format of Comunión Tradicionalista.[136] However, when in 1971 invited to join a rebellion against the Borbón-Parmas,[137] he declined.[138] In 1972 he was considered a would-be leader of a Carlist political association, about to be permitted by the regime,[139] but though estranged by Left-wing course of the prince, he still felt bounded by loyalty to the king; he also feared an ensuing long interregnum, which Carlism might not survive.[140] On the other hand, also in 1972 he wrote a letter to the claimant, explicitly asking whether Don Javier was aware and approved of revolutionary program of the party.[141] Talked into compliance he grudgingly faced up to conformity, but in the spring of 1975 he co-signed ultimative letters, demanding confirmation of Traditionalist values.[142] Having received no reply either from Don Javier or from Don Carlos Hugo, he finally broke apart.[143]

Second Restoration: leader (after 1975)
Montejurra

In 1975 Sáenz-Diez joined Hermandad Nacional de Antiguos Combatientes de Requetés,[144] a stepping stone towards a new political structure; he entered its Junta Directiva and became a treasurer.[145] Later that year the organization neared the younger son of Don Javier – who already abdicated in favor of Don Carlos Hugo - Don Sixto, who confirmed allegiance to traditional Carlist values. Falling short from claiming the throne or the regency, he declared himself a standard-bearer of Carlism; in December 1975 he nominated Sáenz-Díez his Jefe Delegado and entrusted him with reorganization of semi-legal Comunión Tradicionalista.[146]

During Transición Sáenz-Díez's Madrid house turned into headquarters of Traditionalism.[147] One of his first initiatives was re-claiming the Montejurra gathering, controlled by the Progressists. In early 1976 he mobilized supporters to ensure highest attendance and co-financed logistics of the Sixtinos;[148] during the very day he was also present at the place.[149] The event, from the onset planned as a confrontation, resulted in 2 Progressists shot. The press communiqué released by Comunión lamented the deaths and claimed not to know where the gunshots had come from, denying that anyone accompanying Don Sixto had fired them.[150] In a second and more detailed press comuniqué, Sixtinos claimed success, consisting of preventing a Marxist meeting and profanation of sacred Carlist site with separatist and subversive plot.[151]

In 1977 Comunión Tradicionalista was registered as a party; with Zamanillo, Oriol and Márquez de Prado, Sáenz-Díez was among its founders.[152] He tried to win over the senile Don Javier; a press communiqué issued from Paris stated that in front of a notary and in presence of Sáenz-Díez and others, the former Carlist king disowned Don Carlos Hugo and his political line.[153] However, he failed to rally all Traditionalists behind his banner: despite a note of understanding signed in 1978 with RENACE,[154] the latter formed Unión Carlista; those not adhering to any dynastical allegiance formed Comunión Católico-Monárquica.

Don Sixto (later pic)

In the late 1970s Sáenz-Díez presided over anti-democratic stand of the Traditionalists and their rapprochement with other far-Right organizations.[155] Prior to the 1979 elections the Sixtinos allied with Fuerza Nueva and Falange to create Unión Nacional,[156] a grouping which gained one seat and disintegrated shortly. In conjunction with other groupings Comunión was still able to rally mass crowds; during the 1980 gathering at the Madrid Plaza de Oriente, organized by Confederación Nacional de Combatientes, at least 300,000 people demonstrated "Por la unidad de España y la esperanza en su futuro"; Sáenz-Díez – usually maintaining low profile and keen to avoid front-row appearances[157] – was the first one to speak.[158]

There is no information on political activity of Sáenz-Díez in the 1980s. It is known that in the early years of the decade Comunión animated Comisión Promotora de la Unidad with the aim of uniting all Traditionalist grouplets.[159] This eventually resulted in the 1986 Congreso para la Unidad Carlista, an event which united existing organizations in Comunión Tradicionalista Carlista. Sáenz-Díez did not enter the party executive[160] and there are different unconfirmed accounts on his stance,[161] especially given CTC admits allegiance neither to any claimant nor to any dynasty.

See also

Footnotes
  1. Juan Sáenz Díez' certificate of death, available here
  2. in contemporary press and even in present-day literature his name is not infrequently misspelled as Sáenz Díez, Sáez-Díez, Sáez Díez, Sánz-Díez or Sánz Díez
  3. by means of marriage with Eulogia de la Riva, María Jesús Facal Rodríguez, Los orígenes del Banco Simeón: evolución de los negocios de Simeón García de Olalla y de la Riva (1857-1983), [in:] Comunicación al VIII Congreso de la Asociación Española de Historia Económica, Santiago de Compostela 2005, pp. 7, 20
  4. El Eco de Santiago 06.05.05. available here
  5. Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 4
  6. Herminia Pernas Ornoza, Presencia riojana en Compostela durante el siglo XIX. Un acercamiento a tracés de fuentes censales, [in:] Berceo 136 (1999), p. 125
  7. Pernas Ornoza 1999, p. 132
  8. Juan’s paternal and maternal families were interrelated; maternal grandmother of his mother and maternal grandfather of his father were siblings, Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 20
  9. Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 1
  10. Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 2
  11. Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 3
  12. apart from Juan there was at least one more son, Pedro, and at least two daughters. Two of Juan’s sisters, Rosario and Isabel, became nuns. His brother Pedro married María Isabel Trías Vidal-Ribas, member of the high bourgeoisie Catalan family; both died in a traffic accident in 1959. One of their daughters was Margarita Sáenz-Díez Trías, journalist married to Enric Sopena and is high freemasonry leader in Spain, see Biografías de Mujeres Andaluzas service, available here
  13. Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 4
  14. Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 20
  15. Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 19
  16. Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 4
  17. he was president of Sociedad de Gas y Electricidad de Santiago, Alberte Martínez López, Jesús Mirás Araujo, Elvira Lindoso Tato, La industria del gas en Galicia: del alumbrado por gas al siglo XXI, 1850-2005, Barcelona 2009, ISBN 9788461355976, p. 259
  18. Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 22
  19. namely Electra Popular de Vigo y Redondela and Lago Riva y Compañía, Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 22
  20. Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 4
  21. El Eco de Santiago 20.10.24, available here
  22. upon reaching reached legal in 1923, Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 24
  23. Galicia en Madrid 8 (1933), available here
  24. in the 1910s he was contador provincial for Soria, Guía Oficial de España 1910, p. 551, available here
  25. Boletin Oficial de la Provincia de Soria 121 (1938), available here
  26. El Siglo Futuro 02.04.36, available here
  27. ABC, 23.01.29, available here
  28. ABC 18.03.26, available here
  29. named Juan Ignacio, Fernando, Mercedes, Javier, Ramón, Carmen, José Luis and Isabel, see ABC 23.11.78, available here
  30. for his works see e.g. the Dialnet.Unirioja service, available here
  31. compare Boletín del Museo Arqueológico Nacional XIII (1995), available here
  32. see the official Cortes service, available here
  33. see Javier Saenz-Diez de la Gandara entry, [in:] Abogados en Madrid service, available here
  34. see official service of the Spanish Post, available here
  35. ABC 10.07.11, available here
  36. ABC 24.11.13, available here
  37. 50 Retazos Sacerdotales: José Luis Sáenz-Díez De la Gándara, [in:] Parroquia Asunción de Nuestra Señora Torreledones service 09.06.13, available here
  38. in Society of the Sacred Heart, ABC 10.07.11, available here
  39. Enlace nupcial de Mercedes Santaló y José Manuel Vila, [in:] El Correo Gallego 19.09.10, available here
  40. Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 25
  41. Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 24
  42. Xavier Navaza, La luminosa saga de la comunicación. Tres hitos en la historia del Grupo Correo Gallego, [in:] Ferrol Análisis: revista de pensamiento y cultura 23 (2008), p. 61
  43. it was supposed to manufacture light bulbs, El Orzán 28.09.29, available here
  44. Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 32
  45. some of them formatted as Sociedad Colectiva and some as Sociedad Anónima
  46. Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 38
  47. Facal Rodríguez 2005, pp. 38–9
  48. in 1982 Banco Simeón operated 33 offices, mostly in provinces of Pontevedra and Ourense, though also in Coruña, Santiago, Oviedo, Logroño, Huesca, Barcelona and Madrid; its capital grew from 50m ptas in 1965 to 600m ptas in 1977, Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 39
  49. in 1985, Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 39
  50. Facal Rodríguez 2005, pp. 32-33
  51. the president was Antonio García Nieto Fossas; the Garcia Nieto branch dominated in the enterprise, Facal Rodríguez 2005, pp. 25–6
  52. Banco Simeón, Almacenes Simeón, Banco Riva y García, Federación Financiera, Riva y García División Comercial, Riva y García División Industrial, Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 26
  53. since 1935 (till 1982) he was socio of Herederos Simeón García y Cía SRC Villagarcia, since 1952 of García Olalla, Sáenz-Diez y Cia SRC and Banco Riva y García SA, since 1968 of Federación Financiera SA Santiago and (till 1985) of Herederos Simeón García y Cía SRC and Herederos Simeón García y Cía SA Madrid, since 1970 (till 1982) of Herederos Simeón García y Cía SL Bilbao and since 1972 (till 1986) of Herederos Simeón García SRC Santiago, Facal Rodríguez 2005, p. 44
  54. Laureano López Rodo, Memorias: Años decisivos, Madrid 1991, ISBN 9788478630219, p. 380
  55. José Andrés-Gallego, Antón M. Pazos, La Iglesia en la España contemporánea, vol. 2, Madrid 1999, ISBN 9788474905205, p. 92
  56. Andrés-Gallego, Pazos 1999, pp. 92-3
  57. Boletín de la Cámara Oficial de Comercio y Industria de Cordoba 553 (1951), available here
  58. Juan Muñoz Martin, El poder de la banca en España, Madrid 1969, p. 174
  59. El Eco de Santiago 05.03.23, available here
  60. El Eco de Santiago 28.04.26, available here
  61. Heraldo de Madrid 15.12.32, available here
  62. El Siglo Futuro 04.12.35, available here
  63. Labór 27.08.36, available here
  64. he wrote that "han surgido boinas rojas por todas partes (Juan Ignacio también tiene la suya con borla y todo)", Labór 27.08.36
  65. when in the United States he made himself familiar with the North-American press and already at that time contemplated upon launching an own periodical in Spain, Navaza 2008, pp. 58-61. Sáenz-Díez controlled El Correo Gallego until the mid-1960s, when following a brief fusion with La Noche, majority stakes in the company were seized by Feliciano Barrera, Luis Blanco Vila, El Correo Gallego: Cien años de aportación a la historia (1878-1978), Compostela 1978, ISBN 8485553004, p. 9, Navaza 2008, p. 61
  66. Javier Lavardín (José Antonio Parilla), Historia del ultimo pretendiente a la corona de España, Paris 1976, p. 14
  67. Sáenz-Díez's wife was a niece of José María García Verde, a former Integrist and Carlist leader at that time of Western Andalusia, as well as a member of the Junta Nacional Carlista de Guerra presided by Manuel Fal Conde, who was also a former Integrist and Carlist leader of Andalusia
  68. Ricardo Ollaquindia, La Oficina de Prensa y Propaganda Carlista de Pamplona al comienzo de la guerra de 1936, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 56 (1995), p. 502, Juan Carlos Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936-1937). De la conspiración a la unificación, Madrid 1996, ISBN 9788487863523, p. 219
  69. Ignacio Romero Raizábal, Boinas rojas en Austria: reportaje sentimental, Burgos 1936, p. 37. Sáenz-Díez is first mentioned when discussing composition of the Junta Nacional in the wake of death of Alfonso Carlos, which took place in late September 1936; however, there is no explicit date provided and the discourse might also refer generally to the autumn of 1936
  70. Jaime Ignacio del Burgo Tajadura, El carlismo y su agónico final, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 74 (2013), p. 492, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 238
  71. Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 241
  72. Del Burgo 2013, p. 496
  73. Josep Carles Clemente Muñoz, Los días fugaces: el carlismo: de las guerras civiles a la transición democrática, Cuenca 2013, ISBN 9788495414243, p. 47
  74. Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 30
  75. "necesidad de afirmar nuestra personalidad ante el Poder Público, con todo nuestro contenido y con el acuerdo de que así hemos venido a la campaña". Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 30
  76. Navaza 2008, p. 61
  77. Blanco Vila 1978, p. 9, Navaza 2008, p. 62
  78. Ramón María Rodón Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015 , p. 61
  79. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 240. Apart from political and business engagements, he was also among editors of a wartime review Misión, which attracted contributors such as o Juan Peña Ibáñez, Máximo Palomar, Fernando Polo, Rafael Gambra, Francisco Elías de Tejada, Agustín González de Amezúa and Manuel Senante, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 445
  80. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 244, Manuel Santa Cruz [Alberto Ruiz de Galarreta], Apuntes y documentos para la Historia del Tradicionalismo Español, 1939-1966, vol. 5, Sevilla 1979, ISBN 8474600359, p. 180
  81. unlike Fal, Senante, Elizalde and Arauz de Robles and like Lamamie and Sivatte, Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 298-9
  82. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 310, Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Los incidentes del 3 de diciembre de 1945 en la Plaza del Castillo, [in:] Principe de Viana 58 (1997), p. 630
  83. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 312
  84. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 321
  85. 1948 he was on unspecified mission in Rome together with Fal, Lamamie and Zamanillo, Santiago Martínez Sánchez, El Cardenal Pedro Segura y Sáenz (1880-1957), [PhD thesis at Universidad de Navarra], Pamplona 2002, p. 480
  86. put on sale by its owner, María García Verde, Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 336-7
  87. Raimundo García Domínguez, O novelo dos anacos e outros exemplos (2000-2001), Santiago de Compostela 2002, ISBN 9788497501231, p. 36, Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El final de una ilusión. Auge y declive del tradicionalismo carlista (1957-1967), Madrid 2016, ISBN 9788416558407, p. 41
  88. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 337
  89. according to Santa Cruz "el periódico —sin ser portavoz oficial de la Comunión Tradicionalista— defendía y propugnaba en la medida legalmente posible las orientaciones carlistas", Manuel Santa Cruz, Apuntes y Documentos para la Historia del Tradicionalismo español vol. 15, Madrid 1953, p. 222
  90. like Manuel Cerezales, Juan José and José Luis Peña Ibáñez, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 337
  91. Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El nuevo rumbo político del carlismo hacia la colaboración con el régimen (1955-56), [in:] Hispania 69 (2009), p. 182
  92. Don Javier remained on very good terms with Sáenz-Díez; e.g. when en route from Portugal to France in 1955, he stopped in Sáenz-Díez's house in Madrid, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 33
  93. Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El papel del carlismo navarro en el inicio de la fragmentación definitiva de la comunión tradicionalista (1957-1960), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 72 (2011), pp. 397-8, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 34
  94. Vázquez de Prada 2009, p. 182
  95. according to some authors other appointees were Valiente, Zamanillo and Larramendi, Santa Cruz 1953, p. 222, Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 116; according to others they were Valiente, Arauz de Robles and Hernando de Larramendi, Vázquez de Prada 2009, p. 189; in her latest work, she mentions only Sáenz-Díez, Zamanillo and Arauz, Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 39-40
  96. Santa Cruz 1953, p. 222
  97. Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 203
  98. Lavardin 1976, p. 113
  99. Vázquez de Prada 2009, p. 196
  100. Vázquez de Prada 2009, pp. 192–3
  101. Vázquez de Prada 2009, p. 196
  102. phrased vaguely as "getting state and society closer" or introducing more "respect for personal rights and justice", Vázquez de Prada 2009, p. 202. In another work, she defines key advocated ideas of the memorandum as clinging to the 1952 Barcelona declaration, maintining unity of the Comunion, negotiating with the regime on basis of 18 July. It contained also phrases deemed new by her, like Carlism as "elemento de contencion de la revolucion", "fuerza popular", "contra el separatismo", Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 42
  103. in 1957 he was nominated head of the economic section of the Carlist executive, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 50
  104. Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 144. According to another view the 3 differed: Zamanillo was a Fascist, Valiente was "posibilista franquista" and Sáenz-Díez was an Integrist, Josep Carles Clemente, Historia del Carlismo contemporaneo 1935–1972, Barcelona 1977, ISBN, 9788425307591, p. 42
  105. Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 148, Lavardin 1976, p. 46
  106. Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 134
  107. Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 149; he also delivered a brief speech himself, compare Centinela 4/5 (1958), available here
  108. Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 179
  109. Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 190, Lavardin 1976, pp. 48-9, 66. He also saw Carlism as a force able to contain separatisms, Vázquez de Prada 2009, pp. 192-3
  110. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 118
  111. the first signs of discored appeared in 1961, when Sáenz-Díez was accused of scarce success when entrusted with re-organisation of the organisation in Catalonia and Valencia, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 81
  112. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 445
  113. Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 151, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 139
  114. Lavardin 1976, p. 148
  115. Lavardin 1976, p. 145
  116. Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 440, 476
  117. some claim he was dismissed for opposing the new line of prince Don Carlos Hugo, Santa Cruz 1953, p. 222
  118. see the organigrams in Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962–1977, Pamplona 1997, ISBN 9788431315641, pp. 79, 96, 100
  119. when heading the local Catalan structures in the early 1960s he was already getting perplexed about "elementos procedentes del socialismo y del separatismo catalán" which prevailed in regional structures of AET, Josep Maria Solé i Sabaté, Literatura, cultura i carlisme, Barcelona 1995, ISBN 9788478097920, p. 284
  120. like Francisco Elías de Tejada and Rafael Gambra
  121. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 77
  122. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 100
  123. Hoja Oficial de Lunes 28.10.63, available here
  124. according to Ley de Bases de Régimen Local of 1948, elections to municipal bodies were carried out in 3 sections: tercio familiar, tercio sindical and tercio de entidades
  125. Hoja Oficial de Lunes 05.10.64, available here
  126. for detailed discussion of tercio familiar (no mention of Saenz-Diez) see Pedro Cobo Pulido, Representación familiar en la época de Franco (1945-1974). Un caso en la evolución de un régimen autoritario [PhD thesis Universidad de Malaga], Malaga 2000, and (related mostly to Navarre) Francisco Miranda Rubio, Los procuradores de representación familiar en la novena legislatura franquista (1967-1971), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 203 (1994), pp. 615-639
  127. his slogan was "vote Juan Sáenz-Díez: spokesman for the Galician economy, defender of eternal patriotic virtues, always at service of spiritual principles", María Elena Garcia Pazos, Los carteles de depósito an la Biblioteca Pública del Estado „Miguel Gonzalez Garcés” de A Coruña: fuente de información local, La Coruna 2014, available here, see also his poster at flickr service, available here
  128. Hoja Oficial de Lunes 16.10.67, available here
  129. Josep Carles Clemente Muñoz, Los días fugaces: el carlismo: de las guerras civiles a la transición democrática, Cuenca 2013, ISBN 9788495414243, p. 65
  130. Lavardin 1976, pp. 283, 1968; this occurred despite Sáenz-Díez having been acted in Hugocarlista-controlled self-educational network of Círculos Cultural Vázquez de Mella, Hoja Oficial de Lunes 15.07.68, available here
  131. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 302–3
  132. e.g. in 1967 general Hernandez complained to Don Javier that it was comportment of Ramón Massó and other young members of Don Carlos Hugo entourage which caused the likes of Sáenz-Díez to take a step back, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 77
  133. following the 1968 expulsion of the Borbón-Parmas Sáenz-Díez manifested his disagreement in a letter to Lopéz Rodó, pointing to Don Javier as the only legitimate claimant, Rodó 1990
  134. Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 394
  135. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 131–2
  136. contemporary scholar refers to him as "el entonces jefe de la Comunión" in 1972–1973, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 138
  137. Hermandad de Antiguos Combatientes de Tercios de Requeté was designed as a backbone of an alternative Carlist organization
  138. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 212-3
  139. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 230-2
  140. "la rebeldía frente el Rey es un hecho tan grave que no podría admitirse más que como final de un largo proceso en el que se hubiesen agotado todas las demás posibilidades", quoted after Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 233
  141. pointing to claims about permanent social revolution, class struggle and a party system; he underlined that there is no Carlism which is socialist, antireligious or opposed to the spirit of July 18, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 216–7
  142. Rodón Guinjoan 2015, pp. 586–7
  143. Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 589, Ramón Rodón Guinjoan, Una aproximación al estudio de la Hermandad Nacional Monárquica del Maestrazgo y del Partido Social Regionalista, [in:] Aportes 88 (2015) [furtherly referred to as Rodón 2015b], p. 185
  144. led by general Luis Ruiz Hernández
  145. Hoja del lunes 10.03.75
  146. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 273
  147. Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 188
  148. Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 602
  149. Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 616
  150. Mediterraneo, 12.05.76, available here
  151. "el partido Carlista preparaba el mitin marxista de Montejurra. Toda España tiene que agradecer a la Comunión Tradicionalista – abstracción hecha de los lastimosos sucesos – que impidese la profanación del Montejurra con un acto político preparado para airear ante España y al mundo todo el veneno separatista y de carácter subversivo", quoted after Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 610
  152. some sources point to Antonio María de Oriol, see La Vanguardia 06.03.77, available here, and some to his father, José María Oriol, compare Mediterraneo 15.02.77, available here
  153. Mediterraneo 08.03.77, available here; the Hugocarlistas stroke back, see La Vanguardia 06.03.77, available here. Following death of Don Javier his widow, Doña Magdalena, remained on good terms with the Comunión, see Mediterraneo 06.05.78, available here
  154. Rodón 2015b, p. 196
  155. Sáenz-Díez' stand led to a paradox, namely a Right-wing anti-clericalism; he was increasingly irritated with lower clergy embarking on democratic propaganda and no counter-reaction, if not condonement, on part of the hierarchy. In the mid-1970s he was member of the board of Ediciones Iglesia-Mundo S.A., a company issuing a periodical named Iglesia Mundo; it remained highly critical of the Episcopate. The hierarchy stroke back lambasting it as "gravamente columnioso"; in turn, Ediciones claimed it would take legal action, see Mediterraneo 11.04.75, available here
  156. José Díaz Nieva, José Luis Orella Martínez, La derecha franquista en la transición, [in:] Carlos Navajas Zubeldia (ed.), Actas del III Simposio de Historia Actual, Logroño 2002, p. 561
  157. Lavardin 1976, p. 14
  158. Hoja del Lunes 24.11.80, available here, ABC 25.11.80, available here
  159. Jordi Canal, El carlismo, Madrid 2000, ISBN 8420639478, p. 393
  160. Canal 2000, pp. 393-4
  161. according to some he has been incapacitated by his son, at that time political activist of UCD, and according to others he resigned himself, compare network54.com forum [link ".../Forum/66218/message/975624067" is blacklisted, entering at own responsibility]

Further reading
  • Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962–1977, Pamplona 1997, ISBN 9788431315641
  • María Jesús Facal Rodríguez, Los orígenes del Banco Simeón: evolución de los negocios de Simeón García de Olalla y de la Riva (1857-1983), [in:] Comunicación al VIII Congreso de la Asociación Española de Historia Económica, Santiago de Compostela 2005, pp. 1–46
  • Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009
  • Ramón María Rodón Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015
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