Luis de Llauder y Dalmases

Luis Gonzaga María Antonio Carlos Ramón Miguel de Llauder y de Dalmases, de Freixas, de Bufalá y de Camín, 1st marquis of Valldeix (1837–1902)[1] was a Spanish Catholic publisher and a Carlist politician. He is known as leader of Catalan Carlism of the late nineteenth century. He is also recognized as founder and the moving spirit behind Barcelona-based Catholic media initiatives, especially a publishing house, a daily Correo Catalán, and a weekly La Hormiga de Oro.

Luis M. de Llauder y Dalmases
Born
Luis Llauder Dalmases

1837
Madrid
Died1902
Barcelona
NationalitySpanish
Occupationpublisher
Known forpolitician
Political partyCarlism

Family and youth
Torre Llauder used to stand here

The Llauder family was first recorded in the late 15th century, its representatives noted as blacksmiths based in the Catalan town of Argentona.[2] In course of the next two centuries the family grew into prominence and wealth, accumulating a number of estates in Mataró and Barcelona; since mid-17th century its senior was honorary citizen of the Catalan capital.[3] In the late 18th century the family built an iconic Mataró mansion known as Torre Llauder[4] and kept living there interchanging with the residence at intersection of the Hèrcules and Arlet streets in Barcelona.[5] Luis' great-grandfather, José Antonio Llauder y Duran, commenced industrial activities upon receiving concession to exploit water springs;[6] despite damages suffered during the Peninsular War, the business was developed further on by his son José Francisco Llauder y Camín, who died in 1824 already as the first taxpayer of Mataró.[7]

young Llauder

José Francisco's son and the father of Luis, Ramón de Llauder y Freixes (1807–1870), inherited the family wealth and prestige. He fell in love with María Mercedes de Dalmases y de Bufalà (died 1885),[8] also a Catalan native of Sant Martí Sesgueioles,[9] descendant to a wealthy bourgeoisie family.[10] The couple married in 1837[11] and initially settled in Madrid,[12] but they soon moved to the Llauder residence in Barcelona; Ramon remained the first taxpayer of Mataró.[13] Apart from integration and further development of the family businesses, he made his name as a lawyer and became member of Tribunal Supremo.[13] He is known as a fervent Catholic who donated large sums to the Church, including financing of a newly set up Poor Clares convent. Ramon demonstrated interest in charity, further developed also by Luis, e.g. founding and financing a school for the poor.[14]

Ramon and María had 6 children, except Luis all of them daughters;[15] they were brought up in fervently Catholic ambience. One of them, Pilar, became nun of the Handmaids of the Sacred Heart of Jesus order.[16] It is not clear where the young Luis received his schooling; he obtained bachillerato in 1851.[17] He then enrolled at the Civil and Canon law faculty of the Universitat de Barcelona, graduating as licenciado in 1858;[18] one source claims he received technical education and graduated as engineer.[19] As he inherited a real estate fortune and the industry enterprises, it is not clear whether he has ever practiced as a lawyer. He has never married and had no children.[20] He was grandnephew of Manuel de Llauder y Camín, first Viscount de Llauder and Marqués del Valle de Ribas. A little known poet of the early 20th century, Lorenzo de Llauder y de Bonilla, was his distant relative.[21]

Early public activity
La Convicción

There is little information on Llauder's public activity in the 1860s. He was certainly active in various Catholic groupings; having inherited from his father vivid interest in social issues and a penchant for charity, in 1863 he was acknowledged as engaged in Caridad Cristiana, a Barcelona philanthropic institution specializing in education; in the early 1864 he rose to deputy treasurer of the organization.[22] Llauder was also noted as active in regional realm in-between economy and public management: in 1865 he was secretary of comisión organizadora preparing an agricultural exposition in Mataró; within this body he represented the proprietors.[23] There is a source which claims that in his youth he practiced as a lawyer, though the information is not confirmed elsewhere.[24] He was probably engaged also in the family business; at unspecified time and under his guidance the number of family operated watermills rose from 2 to 5; he also upgraded some of them by mounting auxiliary steam engines.[20]

It is not clear when Llauder commenced his lifelong career of a publisher and a journalist.[25] One author maintains that it was "shortly after" graduation when he tried his hand in letters, starting co-operation with local periodicals.[26] The first titles named are popular Catholic reviews La Sociedad Católica,[27] El Amigo del Pueblo and El Criterio Católico,[28] and the time is specified as "second half of the 1860s".[29] It seems that at that time he was formatted as a militant Catholic author rather than a partisan of any specific party. His opinion on politics of the era, especially on the crumbling rule of Isabel II, is not known. It was only the Glorious Revolution of 1868 and declaration of the First Spanish Republic that triggered Llauder's political career.

young Carlos VII

There were no known Carlist antecedents in Llauder's family. Political views of his father are unclear, while his paternal uncle, Carlos de Llauder y Freixes, was well established in the Isabelline system as a Partido Moderado politician and a Cortes deputy.[30] It was rather the brother of his paternal grandfather, Manuel de Llauder y Camín, who gained nationwide recognition as a Carlist foe; when capitán general of Catalonia he made his name for engineering anti-Carlist repressions during and after the First Carlist War.[31] Hence, it is not clear how Llauder approached the Carlists in the late 1860s. Later party propaganda claimed that it was his bright intelligence that made him conclude, somewhat against the family background, that Traditionalism was the only way forward.[32] This became evident in his 1869 booklet, El desenlace de la revolución españoIa. The work compared regimes of liberal monarchy, republic and traditionalist monarchy. Stemming mostly from Catholic principles, it declared Traditionalism the only viable option, advocating leadership of the Carlist claimant Carlos VII. Desenlace was focused on politics; the work by no means endorsed violence, the position that Llauder was to maintain through all later life.[33] According to his own later accounts, the book was the first attempt "to fly the Carlist standard in Catalonia" during the Sexenio Democrático.[9]

Approach to, Third Carlist War and aftermath
Llauder and Carlist MPs

Desenlace earned Llauder his name in Catalan public discourse. He was welcomed in Asociación Católico-Monárquica,[34] an agglutinatory force attracting far-Right opposition. The formation was an alliance of neo-Catholics, Conservatives and Carlists; though Llauder's non-belligerent stance was similar to that of the neos, a contemporary scholar clearly identifies him as a Carlist.[35] In the supplementary 1870 elections to Cortes Constituentes Llauder appeared on candidatura católico-monárquica in his native district of Vich.[36] When elected[37] he joined the 23-member Carlist minority.[38] In the successive 1871 campaign he ran[39] on the same ticket from Berga, elected with 97% of all votes cast.[40] In the spring of 1872 he again stood in Berga;[41] though initially reported victorious,[42] in unclear circumstances he was finally declared defeated.[43]

In the early 1870s Llauder's career of a publisher was already in full swing. Around 1870[44] he founded with his own money a Barcelona-based daily La Convicción,[45] acting also as a manager and editor-in-chief until the title was closed in 1873.[46] Though the paper demonstrated clear Traditionalist leaning, its political strategy appear confusing. On the one hand Llauder demonstrated much flexibility. In 1871 he advocated alliance of all opposition groupings; the call raised eyebrows of those - like Navarro Villoslada - who were surprised at having been encouraged to join ranks with the radical republicans.[47] On the other hand, Llauder demonstrated a doctrinaire position when lambasting the neo-Catholic José María Quadrado[48] by calling him a liberal disciple of Chateaubriand.[49] Scholars present different views on Llauder's position versus amalgamation with the neo-Catholics; some claim he opposed it[50] and some claim he himself approached them.[51] At that time he was already considered "prestigioso periodista".[52]

Carlist subjects, 1870s

Shortly before outbreak of the Third Carlist War Llauder was an eminent party figure in Catalonia, rising to presidency of the Barcelona Ateneo Católico-monárquica[53] and Junta Provincial Católico-monárquica.[54] Since 1870 he was living intermittently in Spain and abroad, mostly in the Swiss Vevey, where he accompanied the claimant and his brother Don Alfonso Carlos.[45] At the outbreak of hostilities as a renowned propagandist he felt endangered by republican militants and did not return to Spain.[55] His exact war record is not clear, though he probably did not take part in hostilities. At least temporarily he accompanied Carlos VII in Gipuzkoa;[45] in mid-1873 the press reported him as nominated secretary to Alfonso Carlos,[56] though later he was noted as resident in the French Prats-de-Mollo, active within a group of recovering Carlist combatants.[57] No further information is available; one scholar summarizes his contribution to the Carlist war effort as "modestíssima".[58]

Following the Carlist defeat Llauder did not return to Spain. In 1876 the claimant nominated him secretary to Junta de Generales,[45] a rather ineffective makeshift Carlist executive set up by Carlos VII prior to his departure to America. Some sources claim that until 1878 he permanently resided in Rome, acting as sort of a Carlist diplomatic envoy to Vatican,[59] though contemporary press noticed his taking part in the 1877 pilgrimage to Zaragoza.[60]

Nocedalista
Candido Nocedal

Back in Spain Llauder resumed public activity in the Carlist realm. It was very much pursued along the lines set up by Candido Nocedal, who intended to format the party as focused on religious issues and vehemently opposed to the emerging Restauración regime. Already shortly after the military defeat Llauder joined Nocedal in a plot, aimed against Junta de Generales, and served as liaison with a number of distinguished Carlist figures.[61] Once Nocedal was appointed the official jefe delegado in 1879, Llauder emerged as top Catalan exponent of his political line, known as Integrism. Since key nocedalista means of mobilization were public events styled as Catholic feasts, especially pilgrimages, in 1879 Llauder became member of Junta Directiva organizing another massive excursion to Rome.[62] As initial plan did not work out, in 1882 he headed Barcelona branch of junta organizadora engineering the next attempt,[63] and once political nature of the enterprise became evident, he was confronted by the Barcelona bishop José María Urquinaona.[64]

Nocedal and his followers envisioned Carlism as a loose movement, its direction set by a wide range of publications; in 1875 in Madrid they founded a daily which was to become an icon of Traditionalist press, El Siglo Futuro. Llauder followed suit in Barcelona, where in 1878 he took over Correo Catalán. Correo started to serve as the principal Integrist tribune in Catalonia; it published articles of key Catholic intransigents like Félix Sardà y Salvany,[65] joined El Siglo Futuro in war against other Carlist publications like Le Fé, representing competitive religious and political vision,[66] and co-engineered campaign against the Pidalistas, who decided to join political structures of the regime.[67] His belligerency cost Llauder legal action[68] and incarceration sentence;[69] Correo, suspended for 45 days, was at that time replaced by ephemeral El Noticiero.[70] Soon Llauder threw himself into publishing activity altogether: in 1883 he set up an intransigent Catholic weekly,[71] in 1885 he opened a bookstore,[72] and in 1887 he complemented the business by founding a publishing house, all named La Hormiga de Oro.[73]

La Hormiga de Oro bookstore

In the mid-1880s Llauder seemed fully aligned with the Integrist vision and its key components: intransigent Catholicism, political abstention, and Carlism understood primarily as a platform of religious mobilization. He self-declared himself an Integrist, writing with pride that "only a small group of faithful disciples followed the Church [...]. This group was called integristas, intransigentes or tradicionalistas".[74] He took part in number of formal Integrist-defined and Integrist-named public initiatives,[75] let alone co-operation between Correo Catalán and El Siglo Futuro,[76] his daily representing an exclusivist, hard-line, machamartillo format of religiosity. By scholars he is clearly considered as "member of the Integrist sector of the party".[77] However, apart from continuing guerra periodistica, Llauder is not recognized for confronting the competitive group, led by marqués de Cerralbo and known as aperturistas, and is not considered protagonist of increasingly bitter strife between the warring factions.

Breakup of 1888
Ramón Nocedal

In early 1888 the claimant invited Llauder to his Venice residence and asked to prepare a publication which would clarify the official royal position. His personal choice might have seemed surprising given Llauder's role in Integrism, as Nocedal's son Ramón clearly aimed at reducing the claimant to a decorative role. Some scholars claim that Carlos VII picked Llauder considering him an in-between person who would act as mediator between the two factions.[78] Other students suggest that the Carlist king intended to outplay the Nocedalistas by luring into his camp one of their politicians, and that choosing Llauder was a smart deceiving move.[79]

The publication took shape of a March 1888 article in Correo Catalán, titled El Pensamiento del Duque de Madrid;[80] it was styled as an interview with the claimant.[81] Apart from doctrinal issues it urged moderation, respect for other Traditionalists and stated that no daily could speak for the king.[82] Instead of reconciliation, it led to escalation; Nocedal and his supporters left Carlism and set up their own party. Though the breakup did not have a major effect on the rank-and-file, it devastated Carlist network of periodicals; most editorial boards decided to side with the secessionists.[83] Llauder's position came as a surprise: for 10 years one of the most prestigious Nocedals' supporters, he decided not to join them and to stand by his king.[84]

Carlos VII, probably around 1890

Llauder's motives are not entirely clear; it seems that out of two features constituting his previous position, the Integrist outlook and the loyalty to Carlist dynasty, the latter prevailed.[85] His stand came as a nasty surprise for the Nocedalistas, who declared Llauder a traitor.[86] When striking back[87] he played down ideological differences and tended to define the conflict as result of overgrown personal ambitions of Nocedal. Also in case of Sarda Llauder confirmed validity of his works, noting that the author took unduly advantage of his prestige.[88] In general, he tended to approach the Integrists as a sick branch of a healthy tree and later tried to exercise some moderating influence; following clashes in the Olimpo theatre in 1889[89] he criticized Carlists taking part and demanded they do not respond to provocations.[90]

As the breakaway Nocedalistas controlled El Siglo Futuro, previously the national party mouthpiece,[91] Carlos VII decided to set a new semi-official Carlist newspaper; this role was entrusted to Llauder, who in 1888–1889 moved to Madrid.[92] Initially to be named El Estandarte Real,[93] the daily materialized in 1888 as El Correo Español, largely modeled on Correo Catalán and by some considered its "brother newspaper".[94] Following successful launch, in 1889 Llauder transferred ownership to the claimant,[95] ceded management to Leandro Herrero[96] and moved back to Barcelona.[97] According to some, it was Llauder who offered job in the editorial board to Juan Vázquez de Mella.[98] Though in the early 1890s some suggested that Llauder takes back leadership of the newspaper, suffering from capricious de Mella's management,[99] the daily proved a lasting enterprise and closed as late as 1922.[100]

Catalan Jefe
marques de Cerralbo

The new party leader de Cerralbo pursued his own vision of Carlism, focused on organizational build-up. Its initial embodiment were structures officially created to co-ordinate Carlist celebrations of the so-called Conversión de Recaredo; in 1889 Llauder was nominated Catalan representative in Junta Central[101] and head of Catalan Junta Regional.[102] Though the nomination was protested by those who remembered his anti-belligerent stand in the 1870s[103] and those who resented his alliance with the Integros in the 1880s,[104] in 1890 Llauder was confirmed as President of new official Junta Regional Carlista.[105]

In Catalonia Llauder presided over transformation of Carlism from a loose movement into a modern and efficient party. In line with Cerralbo's strategy he worked towards setting local structures, encouraging new juntas whenever possible.[106] He proved very efficient: in 1892 Catalonia boasted 43 circulos out of 102 existing in Spain;[107] in 1896 the number grew to 100 out of 298, with Barcelona province leading the way with 46 circulos.[108] According to Llauder himself, along Navarre the countryside of muntanya catalana turned the very heartland of Spanish Carlism.[109] First Juventud section, a new juvenile branch, was created in Barcelona in 1894.[110]

Though in general he remained antiparliamentarian and considered elections a secondary issue,[111] sort of front cover-up for Liberal backstage rule,[112] he engaged in Carlist electoral effort, resumed by de Cerralbo for the first time in the 1891 campaign.[113] When acknowledging rather poor results at the pools in 1891 (2 MPs),[114] 1896 (2)[115] and 1898 (2),[116] let alone the disastrous 1893 campaign (no mandate),[117] he noted it would have been absurd to conclude that Carlism enjoyed so limited support, blaming fraud for the poor showing.[118] Himself he stood in his old constituency of Berga and was successful in 1891,[119] but lost in 1893.[120] In 1896 he successfully ran for Senate from Girona,[121] but on the claimant's order he refused to take oath[122] and signed Manifiesto de las minorias carlistas;[123] by some sources he is not listed as a senator.[124]

Carlist standard

During his 14-year leadership of Catalan Carlism Llauder emerged as one of key party heavyweights of the late 19th century.[125] He is considered principal agent of carlismo nuevo in the region;[126] Catalonia was the first stage of innovative Cerralbo's tours across the country[127] and Llauder worked hand-in-hand with jefe delegado to implement new peaceful strategy and defuse conspiracy which aimed at renewing violence.[128] He hugely contributed to smooth recovery of Catalan Carlism from the Nocedalista crisis; though Llauder had to cope with internal conflict;[129] he played vital role in party consolidation of the 1890.[130] His 1897 contribution to Acta de Loredan became last Llauder's major public engagement;[131] starting 1898 due to rapidly deteriorating health[132] he was spending long periods in the spa of Cardó[133] and his regional leadership became largely theoretical. In 1898 the claimant declared him marqués de Vallteix.[134] No scholar mentions Llauder discussing Carlist 1900 revolts in Catalonia, which suggests that shortly before death - still official jefe - he already played no major role in politics.

Publisher
brother newspapers

Though he owned, managed and edited a number of periodicals, including La Convicción in 1870–1873 and El Correo Español in 1888–1889, as a publisher Llauder is first and foremost recognized as the moving spirit behind two enterprises which turned into monumental periodical prints in Catalonia, the daily Correo Catalán and the weekly La Hormiga de Oro; both issued for more than half a century, both outlived him by 34 years.[135]

Correo Catalán, started in 1876,[136] was taken over by Llauder in 1878.[137] Unlike Correo Español, launched with official party finances,[138] Correo Catalán was Llauder's private property. He remained also chief editor of the daily, formatted as continuation of La Convicción.[139] During the first decade it followed the Integrist line of Nocedal and Sarda;[140] though after 1888 the daily remained within mainstream Traditionalism,[137] it very much kept pursuing the same intransigent Catholic line.[141] Correo remained a semi-official party paper in Catalonia, publishing orders and dispositions, mobilizing organizational work and disseminating propaganda.[142] It chiefly consisted of 3 sections: news, opinion and fixed columns, dominated by religious subjects.[143] The daily developed weekly mutations in Tarragona, Girona and Lleida.[144] Its circulation is not clear; some sources claim 4,000 copies[72] and some claim as much as 8,000 copies.[145] Personal Llauder's trademark were his Sunday editorials.[125] In 1899 he ceded command of the paper to Salvador Morales.[146]

La Hormiga de Oro, sample from 1899

The 1884-launched La Hormiga de Oro[147] was among innovative periodicals on the Spanish market;[148] published in A3, they combined text and high-quality graphics,[149] first drawings and since early 1890s also photographs.[150] The weekly aspired to the role of popular enciclopedia educativa;[151] its contents comprised news, information, history, letters, arts, politics, though it was dominated by religion-related topics.[152] Key difference between Hormiga and likewise reviews was its confessional nature;[153] it was intended to disseminate Christian thought by means of affordable modern media. Carlism, though present, did not form a leading thread.[154] Distribution included Spain, Portugal, Philippines and Latin America,[147] the number of subscribers estimated at 4,000;[72] in the early 20th century it was one of 6 reviews with the highest circulation in Spain.[155] Llauder did not run Hormiga, ceding management to different directors.[156]

The power plant behind Llauder's periodicals[157] was his publishing house La Hormiga de Oro, founded in 1887;[73] of three similar Carlist enterprises in Catalonia it was the most stable and the most durable one.[158] With a dedicated book shop serving as a front-end customer interface,[159] the conglomerate demonstrated that Llauder was fully conscious of the commencing mass culture era. Its business soundness is unclear. It remains striking that Llauder, himself a solitary leading a modest life,[160] between 1871 and 1902 sold real estate inherited from his ancestors.[161] It seems that a fortune, accumulated by nine generations of the Llauder family, has ultimately been spent as financial reserve sustaining Carlist propaganda machinery in Catalonia.[162]

Author
the world might be yours

Llauder kept contributing to different newspapers between mid-1860s and early 20th century,[163] though his opus is mostly editorials to Correo Catalan; between 1888 and 1900 he published 537 of them.[164] Written in Spanish, they were usually clearly attributable,[165] covered range of topics and served as semi-official Carlist lecture.[166] Llauder was no political theorist, but his contribution is named "corpus de doctrina carlista"[125] and compared to that of key Carlist ideologues like Aparisi Guijarro or Vázquez de Mella.[167] Some maintain that Llauder underwent ideological evolution, testimonial to schizophrenia of Carlism in the late 19th century;[168] others argue that he demonstrated "coherencia personal i ideologica".[9] Upon death he was hailed as giant figure in journalism,[169] today in historiography of Spanish periodismo he is acknowledged rather briefly.[170]

The primary feature of Llauder's writings was Catholicism; some described his editorial activity as secular evangelization and dubbed him "sacerdote de la causa".[133] His religiosity was formatted along fundamentalist lines, based on Manichean vision of the world as a battleground between God and satan.[171] Principal Llauder's foe was liberal Catholicism;[172] campaigns against its embodiment, Alejandro Pidal, were by some dubbed as pidalofobia.[173] Most events were interpreted within chiliastic perspective, either episodes like cholera threat in 1890 and attempt against Martínez Campos in 1893[174] or milestones of Spanish history like the 1898 crisis. The Cuban war was seen as a warning (maybe the final one) to Spain, and the United States was presented as a divine tool, sort of a plague, administered by God to punish the Spaniards for their offences.[175]

Catalunya muntanyenca

Llauder's vision of politics was an Integrist one. He viewed Carlism not as a political option, but rather as work of divine providence;[176] within this perspective dynastic issues were secondary to questions of principles.[177] Carlism was the trunk of the good tree as opposed to the bad tree; the trunk of the latter was Liberalism,[178] its gardeners were Protestants,[179] freemasonry[180] and Judaism,[181] while its satanic fruits were nihilism, socialism and anarchism,[182] all patricide ideologies.[183] The Restoration regime was considered a farce,[184] while the party system and universal suffrage were deemed corruptive manipulative mechanisms.[185] Llauder viewed social problems as part of religious issue,[186] results of godless Liberalism allowing shameless profiteering,[187] brought to Spain by foreign and Jewish speculators.[188] Spanish economy was described as feudalism of money, with Jews playing seniors and caciques their vassals.[189]

Though some scholars claim that opposing centralization was one of his political principles[190] and underline that foralism was key component of Catalan Carlism,[191] others argue that regionalism did not form a key thread of his writings.[192] He considered genuine Traditionalists "españoles de sangre y corazón".[193] He viewed nascent Catalanism with cautious sympathy[194] as sort of unconscious Carlism; he encouraged the young Catalanists to look for their own way, confident that sooner or later they would join the ranks of Traditionalism and its vision of Catalunya muntanyenca.[195] It was only after a few years when he concluded with some surprise that key Catalanist tribune La Renaixensa was "periódico sistemáticamente anticarlista".[196]

See also

Footnotes
  1. full list of his given names in Jordi Canal, Lluís M. de Llauder, cap del carlisme catalá (1888–1902), [in:] L’Erol 76 (2003), p. 30. Present-day Catalan language publications keep Catalanizing his name as "Lluís Llauder i Dalmases"; since he preferred to have been referred to with the Spanish version, compare his signature on Carta abierta al Excmo. Sr. General Martínez Campos, [in:] Correo Catalán 1 October 1993, p. 15, quoted after Jordi Canal, El carlisme català dins l’Espanya de la Restauració, Vic 1998, ISBN 8476022433, p. 263, this spelling is followed also here
  2. Enric Subińà i Coll, La Torre Llauder: La masia i els seus propietaris, [in:] XV Sessió Estudis Mataronins. Comunicacions presentades, Mataró 1998, p. 81
  3. Subińà 1998, p. 82; the city ceased to recognise the title in the early 19th century
  4. the mansion was sold by Llauder family in 1915 and changed hands a number of times, gradually falling into decrepit condition; though it was declared part of national heritage, half-abandoned it was demolished in 1970, Subińà 1998, pp. 79, 94. Since the early 1960s the plot was site of archeological works; declared remnants of ancient Roman village, in 1980 it was re-arranged as a museum
  5. Subińà 1998, p. 85
  6. Subińà 1998, p. 87
  7. Subińà 1998, p. 90
  8. Subińà 1998, p. 92; for her death date see La Hormiga de Oro 07.06.85, available here
  9. Canal 2003, p. 30
  10. El fons del llinatge Massot-Dalmases, [in:] Lo Carranquer blog 31.03.15, available here
  11. Subińà 1998, p. 92; the 1837 date of marriage seems somewhat odd, given their son Luis was born in May 1837
  12. though most sources claim that Llauder was born in Madrid, according to one author it was in Mataró, Francisco de Paula, Album de Personajes Carlistas con sus Biografias, volume II, Barcelona 1888, vol. 2, p. 183
  13. Subińà 1998, p. 92
  14. Subińà 1998, pp. 92-3
  15. María Candelària, María Assumpció, María del Àngels, María Ignàcia and Pilar
  16. Subińà 1998, p. 93, El Siglo Futuro 22.03.82, available here
  17. Canal 1998, p. 253
  18. La Corona 18.12.58, available here
  19. Begoña Urigüen, Orígenes y evolución de la derecha española: el neo-catolicismo, Madrid 1986, ISBN 9788400061579, p. 323
  20. Subińà 1998, p. 93
  21. he was grandson of Luis’ grandfather's brother, see Enrique Toral y Fernández de Peñaranda, Vida y obra del poeta giennense de los floreos, don Lorenzo de Llauder y de Bonilla, quinto Marqués del Valle de Ribas, [in:] Boletín del Instituto de Estudios Giennenses 180 (2002), pp. 545-572
  22. La Corona 05.02.64, available here
  23. La Corona 24.07.65, available here
  24. "durante su juventud había sido un abogado distinguido", El Deber 14.06.02, available here
  25. a hagiographic piece claims that "en 1866 empezó a distinguirse ya como periodista", B. de Artagan [Reynaldo Brea], Políticos del carlismo, Barcelona 1912, p. 105
  26. Canal 2003, p. 30; some authors claim he commenced writing in 1866, see Artagan 1912, p. 105
  27. a Madrid based daily launched in 1865; he managed it at unspecified time before it ceased in 1867, José Navarro Cabanes, Apuntes bibliográficos de la prensa carlista, Valencia 1917, p. 51
  28. a Barcelona based daily launched in 1866, Navarro 1917, p. 51
  29. El Deber 14.06.02, available here, Canal 2003, p. 30, Canal 1998, p. 256
  30. see official Cortes service, available here
  31. Artagan 1912, p. 105; for his own account see Memorias documentadas del teniente coronel don Manuel Llauder, Madrid 1844, available here
  32. "sobrino del famoso general Llauder, uno de los que más persiguieron a los legitimistas en la guerra civil, habiéndose educado al lado de parienres moderados, su inteligencia previsora, su gran conocimiento de las cosas y de los hombres a pesar de los pocos anos que cuenta, le hicieron comprender que la única salvación del pais estaba en la bandera legitimista", El Vizconde de la Esperanza [Julio Nombela ], La Bandera Carlista en 1871, Madrid 1871, p. 305, quoted after Canal 2003, pp. 33-4
  33. Canal 1998, pp. 253-4
  34. by the Carlist veteran Ramón Cabrera it was envisioned as a Carlist legal outpost and possibly a Spanish version of the English Tories, Urigüen 1986, p. 312
  35. Urigüen 1986, p. 323
  36. Urigüen 1986, p. 320
  37. see the 1870 mandate at official Cortes service, available here.
  38. Urigüen 1986, p. 327
  39. according to his later account, the objective was not to govern or share power, but to protest Republican injustice towards religion and society, Urigüen 1986, pp. 429-30
  40. see the 1871 mandate at official Cortes service, available here
  41. La Esperanza 22.03.72, available here
  42. El Imparcial 09.04.72, available here
  43. the victorious candidate gained only 34% of the votes cast, see the 1872 Berga mandate at official Cortes service, available here also La Epoca 10.04.72, available here
  44. according to most scholars, but one source claims the correct date is 1868, Solange Hibbs-Lissorgues, La prensa católica catalana de 1868 a 1900 (II), [in:] Anales de Literatura Española 9 (1993), p. 97, also Navarro 1917, p. 59
  45. de Paula 1888, p. 184
  46. Canal 2003, p. 30 Urigüen 1986, p. 351, Solange Hibbs-Lissorgues, La prensa católica catalana de 1868 a 1900 (I), [in:] Anales de Literatura Española 7 (1991), p. 105
  47. Urigüen 1986, pp. 429-30
  48. who claimed that one can be a good Catholic not being a Carlist
  49. he wrote that Carlist standard was "en la cual el católico puede esperar tranquilamente la muerte sin que tenga que hacer retractaciones y arrepentirse de otra cosa que no haver luchado bastante pos su triunfo", Urigüen 1986, pp. 351-2
  50. a present-day scholar claims that while Juan Mañé y Flaquer represented the Carlist press sympathetic towards a merger with the Neos, Llauder stood for the branch opposing it, Urigüen 1986, p. 351
  51. Canal 1998, p. 23
  52. Urigüen 1986, p. 460
  53. La Esperanza 02.03.72, available here
  54. his deputy was Rafael de Llanza, La Regeneración 02.03.72, available here
  55. La Convicción 15.08.72, available here, also Artagan 1912, p. 105
  56. La Discussión 29.05.73, available here
  57. La Esperanza 07.10.75, available here
  58. Canal 1998, p. 31
  59. de Paula 1888, pp. 184-5
  60. El Siglo Futuro 19.07.77, available here
  61. Canal 1998, p. 41, Javier Real Cuesta, El Carlismo Vasco 1876–1900, Madrid 1985, ISBN 9788432305108, pp. 4-5, 11-12
  62. El Siglo Futuro 14.11.79, available here
  63. El Siglo Futuro 14.01.83, available here
  64. Canal 1998, pp. 47-8
  65. Canal 1998, p. 44, Canal 2003, p. 31
  66. Canal 1998, pp. 43, 51
  67. Canal 1998, p. 50
  68. for attacking Alfonso XII personally
  69. he avoided prison thanks to paying a 5,000 peseta penalty
  70. Navarro 1917, p. 131
  71. the first issue appeared in January 1884, Raquel Arias Durá, Revista La Hormiga de Oro. Análisis documental, [in:] Revista General de Información y Documentación 24-1 (2014), p. 187
  72. Arias 2014, p. 186
  73. Arias 2014, p. 188
  74. Hibbs-Lissorgues 1993, p. 89
  75. La Unión 18.06.83, available here
  76. El Siglo Futuro 03.02.83, available here
  77. Jordi Canal i Morell, Carlins i integristes a la Restauració: l’escissió de 1888, [in:] Revista de Girona 147 (1991), p. 63
  78. José Andres Gallego, La politica religiosa en España, Madrid 1975, p. 29
  79. Jordi Canal, El carlismo, Madrid 2000, ISBN 8420639478, p. 228
  80. Agustín Fernández Escudero, El marqués de Cerralbo (1845–1922): biografía politica [PhD thesis], Madrid 2012, p. 100
  81. it was possibly based on the actual interview that Llauder held with Carlos VI during a Catalan pilgrimage to Rome, Andres Gallego 1975, p. 51
  82. Canal 1998, p. 64, Canal 2003, p. 31
  83. Jordi Canal i Morell, La masonería en el discurso integrista español a fines del siglo XIX: Ramón Nocedal y Romea, [in:] J. A. Ferrer Benimeli (ed.), Masonería, revolución y reacción vol. 2, Alicante 1990, ISBN 844047606X, p. 778
  84. Canal 1998, p. 279
  85. Canal 2003, p. 31
  86. Canal 1998, p. 74, Canal 2003, p. 31
  87. Canal 1998, p. 68
  88. Canal 1998, pp. 280-1
  89. details in Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 114
  90. Canal 1998, pp. 74-5
  91. in a bitter guerra periodistica which ensued he became one of prime targets for the Integrist propaganda; El Siglo Futuro did not spare him any charge and insult Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 123, 128, Jordi Canal i Morell, Banderas blancas, boinas rojas: una historia política del carlismo, 1876–1939, Madrid 2006, ISBN 9788496467347, pp. 166-7
  92. Canal 1998, p. 257, Canal 2003, p. 32
  93. and based on staff consisting of Leandro Herrero, Valbuena y Somoza Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 127, Canal 1998, pp. 134-5
  94. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 108
  95. Canal 1998, p. 136, Canal 2003, p. 33
  96. Canal 1998, p. 144, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 134
  97. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 128, Canal 2000, p. 232
  98. opinion of Jesús Pabón, referred after Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 129
  99. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 132
  100. Agustín Fernández Escudero, El XVII marqués de Cerralbo (1845–1922). Primera parte de la historia de un noble carlista, desde 1869 hasta 1900, [in:] Ab Initio: Revista digital para estudiantes de Historia, 2 (2011), p. 139
  101. Canal 1998, p. 78
  102. Jordi Canal, ¿En busca del precedente perdido? Tríptico sobre las complejas relaciones entre carlismo y catalanismo a fines del siglo XIX, [in:] Historia y Politica 14 (2005), p. 46, Canal 1998, p. 79, Canal 2003, p. 31, Canal 2006, p. 200, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 145
  103. mostly supporters of Felip de Sabater, who had military record in the Third Carlist War and counted among key Catalan Carlists
  104. Canal 1998, p. 84, Canal 2003, pp. 31-2
  105. Aratagan 1917, p. 107
  106. “en los pueblos de mas corto vecindario”, Canal 1998, p. 94, also Jordi Canal, La revitalización política del carlismo a fines del siglo XIX: los viajes de propaganda del Marqués de Cerralbo, [in:] Studia Zamorensia 3 (1996), p. 256; Llauder liste a number of reasons to set up he circulos, Canal 1998, p. 182. For detailed discussion of their role see Canal 1998, pp. 179-216
  107. no province in Spain was comparable to Barcelona (18 circulos) and Tarragona (16), Canal 1998, p. 100
  108. Valencia came second with 45 and Tarragona third with 27 circulos, Canal 1998, p. 100
  109. Canal 1998, p. 101
  110. 6 years after the first Juventud, set up in Madrid, Canal 1998, p. 115
  111. Canal 2003, p. 32
  112. he considered universal suffrage a farce, as he believed the government would never allow the rule of truly popular parties (he counted Carlism among these), Canal 1998, pp. 119-20
  113. Llauder noted that 19 years of inactivity made people forget the value of their vote, Canal 1998, p. 118, Canal 2003, p. 32
  114. Canal 1998, p. 120, Canal 2003, p. 32
  115. Canal 1998, p. 127
  116. Canal 1998, p. 128
  117. Canal 1998, pp. 126-7
  118. Canal 1998, p. 121, Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 244, 251
  119. he succeeded partly thanks to divisions among the Liberals and low turnover, Canal 1998, p. 121
  120. Canal 1998, p. 126, Canal 2003, p. 32, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 249
  121. Canal 1998, p. 255; he was one of 4 Carlists in the Senate, along Cerralbo, Solferino (ensured seat thanks to their grandeza de España) and Tirso Olazabal (also elected), Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 253
  122. see the official Senate service, available here
  123. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 320
  124. see e.g. Isidre Molas, Els senadors carlins de Catalunya (1901–1923), Barcelona 2009
  125. Canal 2005, p. 46
  126. Canal 1998, p. 92
  127. Canal 1996, pp. 259-260; Llauder was not renown as public speaker himself, though at times he had to deliver public addresses due to his high position in the party, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 176
  128. dormant Carlist military structures existed, but were incomaparable to official party network. Small Carlist groups in Catalonia kept accumulating weapons, gearing up for another uprising, Canal 1998, p. 129. Indeed in few cases official authorities banned planned Carlist activities due to fear of unrest, Canal 1998, pp. 129-130. Llauder tried to keep the hot-heads in check. Though he did not exclude violence as a last measure, he considered Carlist primary task to be effective politically, so that violence does not stand a chance of erupting, Canal 1998, p. 289
  129. e.g. the fronda of Salvador Soliva in 1895-7, Canal 1998, p. 109; there were also controversies over appointing jefes of local circulos instead of having them elected, Canal 1998, pp. 109-113
  130. Canal 1998, p. 85
  131. Canal 1998, p. 290
  132. he developed meningoencefalitis, Canal 2006, p. 196
  133. Canal 1998, p. 257
  134. Canal 2003, p. 33
  135. they went into print until 1936, when their premises were overtaken by Republican militias
  136. by Manuel Milá de la Roca
  137. Canal 1998, p. 143
  138. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 129
  139. Hibbs-Lissorgues 1993, p. 106; some sources claim that Correo Catalán was simply continuation of La Convicción, see Lluís Maria de Llauder i de Dalmases entry [in:] Gran enciclopèdia catalana online, available here
  140. Canal 1998, p. 255
  141. Llauder „había asumido la fusión tácita y táctica de los carlistas ortodoxos y los neocatólicos integristas”, José María Paz Gago, Una nota sobre la ideología de Pardo Bazán. Doña Emilia, entre el carlismo integrista y el carlismo moderado, [in:] La Tribuna. Cadernos de estudios de Casa Museo Emilia Pardo Bazán 5 (2007), p. 350
  142. Canal 2006, p. 185
  143. Canal 1998, p. 145, Canal 2003, p. 33
  144. Canal 1998, p. 145
  145. Joan Bonet i Balta, L'integrisme a Catalunya. Les grans polemiques: 1881–1888, Barcelona 1990, p. 19, referred after Hibbs-Lissorgues 1993, p. 98
  146. Canal 1998, p. 145; following Llauder’s death Correo Catalán became the property of Fomento de la Prensa Tradicionalista and was re-launched by Solferino with Junyent appointed its manager
  147. Arias 2014, p. 187
  148. among La Ilustración Española y Americana, Blanco y Negro, Nuevo Mundo, Mundo Gráfico, Arias 2014, p. 185
  149. full list of graphic artists Arias 2014, p. 191, list of photographers Arias 2014, p. 192
  150. the first photo was published in 1891, Arias 2014, p. 190
  151. Arias 2014, p. 190
  152. Canal 1998, p. 148, Canal 2003, p. 33
  153. Arias 2014, p. 187. "Cuatro son las bestias negras de la selecta publicación de Luis María Llauder: en política, el liberalismo; en religión, la masonería; en historia, la revolución francesa, y en literatura, el naturalismo", Paz Gago 2007, p. 350
  154. Arias 2014, p. 193; some authors claim that Hormiga played key role in Carlist propaganda machinery of the late 19th century, Canal 1996, p. 251
  155. Arias 2014, p. 193
  156. full list in Arias 2014, p. 187
  157. the house issued another daily, La Exposición Vaticana llustrada (1887-9)
  158. there were three Carlist publishing houses in Catalonia, apart from Hormiga also Biblioteca Tradicionalista, owned by Francesc de Paula Oller (existing in 1889–1892), and Biblioteca Regional (1897–1901), owned by Josep Font i Fargas
  159. it was located at first at calle Ciutat, (Arias 2014, p. 186) later at Rambla de Santa Mónica, (Canal 1998, p. 158, Canal 2003, p. 33) moved to Plaza Santa Ana in 1905, (Arias 2014, p. 186) it also published and sold Catholic printed matter, including calendars, catechisms, prayer books, circumstantial feast-related prints. (Arias 2014, p. 186) traditionalist books, for example books of Polo and de Pereda, (Canal 1998, p. 158, Canal 2003, p. 33) and various types of commercial materials;like business cards, fiscal forms, invitations. (Arias 2014, p. 186)
  160. though he was a public figure and one of leading politicians in Catalonia, during his lifetime his own illustrated review, La Hormiga de Oro, has never published his picture
  161. the family wealth was being accumulated by generations until 1870, when Luis’ father passed away. In 1871 Llauder sold estate at carrer de Sant Francesc in Mataró (possessed since 1867), in 1876 a house at Muralla del Tigre (held since the early nineteenth century), in 1893 sold three plots in Mataró, in 1900 a garden in Salvi and in 1902 few other pieces, Subińà 1998, p. 93
  162. PhD thesis dedicated to La Hormiga on almost 400 pages dwells in detail on organization, personal issues and editorial questions, but provides no insight into financial dimension of the business, see Raquel Arias Durá, La revista "La Hormiga de Oro". Análisis de contenido y estudio documental del fondo fotográfico [PhD thesis Universidad Complutense], Madrid 2013
  163. in 1899 he almost ceased writing, Canal 1998, p. 258
  164. Canal 2005, p. 46; in 1888–1898 Llauder used to write 45-50 editorials each year, in every Sunday issue; in 1899 he wrote only 3, in 1900 only 4 and none in 1901 and 1902, Canal 1998, p. 258
  165. they were usually signed, sometimes with easily attributable abbreviations like "LL" or "de LL", Canal 1998, p. 259
  166. Canal 1998, pp. 251-2
  167. Canal 1998, p. 251
  168. opinion of Josep M. Fradera in preface to Canal 1998, pp. 9-10
  169. Canal 1998, pp. 252-3, Canal 2003, pp. 33-4
  170. compare rather casual note in Juan Francisco Fuentes, Javier Fernández Sebastián, Historia del periodismo español, Madrid 1997, ISBN 8477384975, p. 144
  171. Canal 1998, p. 259, Canal 2005, p. 47
  172. including its vision of religious tolerance and separation of state and Church, Canal 1998, p. 265
  173. e.g. opinion of Arturo Campión, Canal 1998, p. 284
  174. Canal 1998, pp. 277-8
  175. Canal 1998, p. 276
  176. see also references to a “Dios es carlista”, a famous 1873 phrase of Chambord, Canal 1998, p. 278, Canal 2000, pp. 14-15
  177. Canal 1998, p. 287, Canal 2000, p. 20
  178. referred to also as an apocalyptic beast, Canal 1998, p. 262
  179. Canal 1998, p. 261
  180. Canal 1998, p. 264; masonry was "un instrumento del infierno para destruir la obra de Jesucristo", Canal 2000, p. 301
  181. Canal 1998, pp. 264-5, 275; also the war in Cuba was interpreted along these lines against dechristianisation, masonry and Judaism, Canal 1998, pp. 264-5, 275
  182. Canal 1998, p. 260
  183. Canal 1998, p. 262
  184. Canal 1998, p. 273
  185. Canal 1998, p. 274-5. However, Llauder was convinced that republic, democracy, secularization and the like are all part of the divine plan: “en el orden de la Creación no hay nada casual, ni violento; todo es lógico, todo es regulado... La sublevación de Septiembre (1868) ayudando a la obra de Dios, que indudablemente ha marcado ya la hora de que caiga el árbol nocivo, ha fecundizado la tierra para que adelante la madurez del fruto... esto satisface la doble mira de la providencia: castigar a los pueblos y salvarlos. Si la democracia fuese sólo la república, no seria un castigo, podría ser hasta su salvación”, quoted after Máximo Martín Cabeza, Una mítica y simbólica de un milenarismo: el legitimismo, [in:] Francisco P. Díez de Velasco Abellán (ed.), Miedo y religion, Tenerife 2002, ISBN 8479232951, available also here
  186. his sensitivity to poverty was well known; according to his contemporaries, “sus rasgos de caridad fueron innumerables, practicandola con tan grande modestia y reserva, que a duras penas tenian conocimiento de sus dadivas las personas de su mayor intimidad", quoted after Canal 1998, p. 238
  187. Canal 1998, p. 267
  188. Canal 1998, p. 288. Llauder remained in favour of state protectionism, be it in case of vineyards or railways Canal 1998, p. 268
  189. Canal 1998, pp. 270-1
  190. the other 3 were abandoning violence, confirming claimants authority and opposing Nocedal, Francesc Closa, El finançament de la premsa carlina lleidatana: recursos econòmics i publicitat, [in:] Història Moderna i Contemporània 9 (2011), p. 55
  191. La Vanguardia 04.09.99, available here
  192. only one of 537 editorials was dedicated to Catalanism (in 1895), Canal 2005, p. 47. Ongoing polemics, especially when La Renaixensa took on Vazquez de Mella, was mostly about repulsing attacks rather than about priority attached to the issue, Canal 2005, p. 56, Canal 2006, pp. 202-8. Similar opinion is advanced by Pere Anguera, who underlines "la escasa sensibilidad del principal teórico carlista de la restauración, Luis M. de Llauder, por la cuestión catalana", La Vanguardia 22.08.99, available here
  193. going on to explain that it consisted of an amalgama of patriotic, Christian and monarchist values, Canal 1998, p. 287
  194. Llauder viewed nascent Catalanism as a response of the youth against centralizing Liberalism, Canal 2005, p. 48
  195. Canal 1998, p. 291, Canal 2005, p. 48, Canal 2006, pp. 200-1
  196. Canal 2005, p. 57

Further reading
  • Raquel Arias Durá, La revista "La Hormiga de Oro". Análisis de contenido y estudio documental del fondo fotográfico [PhD thesis Universidad Complutense], Madrid 2013
  • Raquel Arias Durá, Revista "La Hormiga de Oro". Análisis documental, [in:] Revista General de Información y Documentación 24-1 (2014), pp. 183–194
  • B. de Artagan [Reynaldo Brea], Políticos del carlismo, Barcelona 1912
  • Jordi Canal i Morell, Banderas blancas, boinas rojas: una historia política del carlismo, 1876–1939, Madrid 2006, ISBN 9788496467347
  • Jordi Canal i Morell, El carlisme catalá dins l'Espanya de la Restauracio,1875–1900: un assaig de modernització politica (1888–1900), [in:] Bulletin d'histoire contemporaine de l'Espagne 27 (1998), pp. 245–251
  • Jordi Canal i Morell, El carlisme català dins l’Espanya de la Restauració: un assaig de modernització politica (1888–1900), Barcelona 1998, ISBN 9788476022436
  • Jordi Canal i Morell, Carlisme i catalanisme a la fi del segle XIX. Notes sobre unes relacions complexes, [in:] Le discours sur la nation en Catalogne aux XIXe et XXe siècles. Hommage à Antoni M. Badia i Margarit, Paris 1995, pp. 211–230
  • Jordi Canal i Morell, El carlismo, Madrid 2000, ISBN 8420639478
  • Jordi Canal i Morell, ¿En busca del precedente perdido? Tríptico sobre las complejas relaciones entre carlismo y catalanismo a fines del siglo XIX, [in:] Historia y Politica 14 (2005), p. 45-84
  • Jordi Canal i Morell, Lluís M. de Llauder, cap del carlisme catalá (1888–1902), [in:] L’Erol 76 (2003), pp. 30–33
  • Jordi Canal i Morell, La masonería en el discurso integrista español a fines del siglo XIX: Ramón Nocedal y Romea, [in:] J. A. Ferrer Benimeli (ed.), Masonería, revolución y reacción vol. 2, Alicante 1990, ISBN 844047606X, pp. 771–791
  • Jordi Canal i Morell, La revitalización política del carlismo a fines del siglo XIX: los viajes de propaganda del Marqués de Cerralbo, [in:] Studia Zamorensia 3 (1996), pp. 243–272
  • Agustín Fernández Escudero, El marqués de Cerralbo (1845–1922): biografía politica [PhD thesis], Madrid 2012
  • Solange Hibbs-Lissorgues, La prensa católica catalana de 1868 a 1900 (I), [in:] Anales de Literatura Española 7 (1991), pp. 99–119
  • Solange Hibbs-Lissorgues, La prensa católica catalana de 1868 a 1900 (II), [in:] Anales de Literatura Española 9 (1993), pp. 85–101
  • José Navarro Cabanes, Apuntes bibliográficos de la prensa carlista, Valencia 1917
  • José María Paz Gago, Una nota sobre la ideología de Pardo Bazán. Doña Emilia, entre el carlismo integrista y el carlismo moderado, [in:] La Tribuna. Cadernos de estudios de Casa Museo Emilia Pardo Bazán 5 (2007), pp. 349–361
  • Enric Subińà i Coll, La Torre Llauder: La masia i els seus propietaris, [in:] XV Sessió Estudis Mataronins. Comunicacions presentades, Mataró 1998, pp. 79–105
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