Miguel Junyent Rovira

Miguel Junyent Rovira (Catalan: Miquel Junyent i Rovira) (1871-1936) was a Spanish Catalan publisher and politician. He is best known as director of El Correo Catalán, the newspaper he periodically owned and managed between 1903 and 1933. As a politician he was active within Carlism; he remained the regional Catalan party leader in 1915-1916 and in 1919–1933. He twice served in the Cortes, in 1907-1910 as member of the Congress of Deputies and in 1918-1919 as member of the Senate. He is counted among moderate Carlists, who favored alliance with conservative Catalanists and opposed the violent faction within his party.

Miguel Junyent Rovira
Born
Miguel Junyent Rovira

1871
Piera, Spain
Died1936
Barcelona, Spain
NationalitySpanish
Occupationlawyer, publisher
Known forpolitician, publisher
Political partyComunión Tradicionalista

Family and youth
countryside near Piera

The Catalan Junyent family was first noted in the 13th century[1] and a few of its representatives distinguished themselves in the history of Spain, yet it is not clear whether any counted among the forefathers of Miguel. None of the sources consulted provides any information on his distant ancestors; the only one identified along the patriline is his father, Salvador Junyent Bovés (1836-1900).[2] He spent all his life in the Catalan town of Piera and it seems that he ranked in the local bourgeoisie, listed as one of the local propietarios[3] and at times among the "more important" ones;[4] he owned an estate known as Can Perevells.[5] Salvador married a girl from Cornella de Llobregat, Prudencia Rovira Oller (1837-1914),[6] possibly related to a local industrialist family.[7] It is not clear how many children they had; it is known that Miguel had at least one sister.[8]

Nothing is known about the childhood of Miguel in general or about his early education in particular. At unspecified time though probably in the late 1880s he entered the law faculty[9] of the Barcelona University;[10] he graduated in jurisprudence shortly before or in 1895.[11] He formally entered the Barcelona colegio de abogados in 1897[12] and in the very late 19th century he was officially recorded as a practicing lawyer.[13] In 1901 he was listed among juzgados municipales, noted as fiscal in Distrito de San Gervasio de Cassolas;[14] in the early 20th century he acted as defense attorney[15] and specialized in civil law.[16]

Miguel Roca Junyent

At unspecified time though prior to 1898[17] Miguel Junyent married Joaquína Quintana Padró (1874-1912);[18] close to nothing is known about her or her family.[19] The couple settled in Barcelona and had 3 children.[20] As a widower and sometime before 1916[21] Junyent remarried with a widow, Mercedes Canalías Vintró (died 1934);[22] the couple had no own children.[23] The oldest daughter of Miguel and Joaquína died in early childhood.[24] Their son, José María Junyent Quintana (1901-1982),[25] already in the 1930s was a locally known Carlist politician;[26] he briefly served in the Barcelona ayuntamiento in the 1940s,[27] but he made his name mostly as periodsta[28] and partially as a writer,[29] assuming distinguished positions in the Catalan press corps of the 1950s.[30] The younger daughter María de Montserrat Junyent Quintana (1905-1985) married Juan Baptista Roca Caball, a well-known Catalan Christian-democratic politician of late Francoism.[31] Among Junyent's grandchildren Miguel Roca Junyent became one of the most recognized politicians of early post-Francoist era, counted among "fathers of the 1978 constitution";[32] Miguel Junyent Armenteras[33] grew to high executive positions in the world of Catalan commercial finance.[34]

Early public engagements (1894-1906)
Lluis Llauder

None of the sources consulted provides information on political preferences of Junyent's ancestors, though it seems that his father was a Traditionalist, possibly close to Integrism.[35] The young Miguel already during his academic period was active in conservative organizations; in 1891 he acted as secretary of Junta Directiva del Asociación de San Luis Gonzaga[36] and engaged in the Barcelona branch of Juventud Carlista, growing to its vice-treasurer prior to 1894.[37] In the mid-1890s noted in various religious initiatives[38] he was also speaking at local Carlist círculos, reportedly applauded by the public and by some party heavyweights.[39] This is how he attracted attention of the regional Carlist jefé Luis Llauder y Dalmases, also the owner and manager of the unofficial regional party mouthpiece, El Correo Catalán. Llauder invited Junyent to contribute to El Correo, which soon turned into a permanent collaboration. At the turn of the centuries Llauder's health was already seriously deteriorating; following his death the daily was taken over by Fomento de la Prensa Tradicionalista, a Carlist institutional outpost. In 1903 its president duque de Solferino[40] appointed Junyent the new director of El Correo;[41] the caretaker manager Salvador Morales was nominated editor-in-chief but he served briefly and departed for Madrid shortly.[42]

As head of El Correo Catalán Junyent became one of the leading figures of Catalan Carlism and one of the key party propagandists nationwide. When attending Traditionalist Barcelona rallies or meetings of the mid-1900s[43] Junyent started to appear alongside regional party tycoons like Erasmo Janer or Mariano Fortuny.[44] Initially his political stand did not differ very much from the orthodox party line, exalting Catholic religion and hailing Traditionalist values[45] though also lambasting Jewish conspiracy[46] and masonic designs.[47] This did not spare him animadversion of the Integrists, who suspected Junyent of secret negotiations with the Maurista branch of the Conservatives and charged him with embracing liberalism.[48]

Junyent among Solidaritat leaders

In 1906 Junyent represented Traditionalists in talks with other Catalan political groupings when mounting a common front against Ley de Jurisdicciones, a newly adopted regulation which placed perceived offences against the army and state under the military jurisdiction; in Catalonia it was widely perceived as assault on the region and its identity.[49] He emerged as one of the leaders of the movement, and together with Francesc Cambó Junyent was entrusted with a mission of travelling to Madrid and coordinating action with dissenting parliamentarians.[50] Later that year the Catalan opposition took shape of Solidaritat Catalana, a block of local parties opposed to the Ley; within his party Junyent was lobbying for taking part in the coalition[51] and was the only Carlist who signed the document which founded the alliance.[52] Together with Cambó and José Roca y Roca he also entered the informal triumvirate which ran Solidaritat[53] and entered its Comité Executiu, later together with Solferino co-signing on part of the Carlists.[54]

Versus catalanismo and pistolerismo (1907-1915)
Junyent among Carlist MPs, 1907

Prior to the 1907 general elections the Catalan Carlists were divided by the question of would-be alliance with republicans and nationalists within a joint Solidaritat list; Junyent was among key advocates of the coalition and managed to win over the new regional leader, Janer, who authorized the Carlist entry into the partnership. Following some haggling with La Lliga Junyent was agreed to stand in Vic[55] and with hardly any opposition[56] he won comfortably.[57] The Carlist entry into Solidaritat produced great success for the party, with 6 Carlists elected in Catalonia only.[58] Junyent himself became one of Traditionalist tycoons in the region[59] and entered the nationwide political scene; though in the Carlist Cortes minority, he continued also as member of Comité Directivo of Solidaritat MPs.[60] In the chamber he was moderately active, usually voicing on Catalan[61] or religious issues.[62]

In 1908-1909 Solidaritat was gradually disintegrating as parties forming the alliance were pursuing increasingly incompatible goals. The Carlists were more and more anxious about partnership with parties suspected of separatism; Junyent for some time tried to alleviate the charges, e.g. by declaring that for local Traditionalists Catalonia was a sister province to all other provinces, and Spain was their common mother.[63] However, in 1909 also he developed grave doubts; El Correo was increasingly engaged in polemics with Catalan nationalists[64] and some Junyent's editorials assumed belligerent tone, lambasting "cobardes y canallas".[65] By next general elections of 1910 Solidaritat was already defunct; Junyent managed to negotiate merely a local alliance with La Lliga, and as a joint carlista-liguero candidate he tried to renew his Cortes bid from Vic.[66] This time he lost marginally to a Liberal candidate;[67] his protests pointing to alleged corruption proved ineffective.[68]

Catalan Requeté, 1912

In the early 1910s Junyent was member to a moderate faction of Catalan Carlists[69] led by subsequent provincial jefe, Duque de Solferino. Their opponents in the Catalan party ranks were led by Dalmacio Iglesias, who advocated a strategy of urban violence aimed mostly against the radical republicans.[70] Iglesias intended to develop the newly born paramilitary Requeté organization into a street task force, an instrument of militant pistolerismo; this approach climaxed in the 1911 urban battle in Sant Feliú de Llobregat.[71] For Junyent and Solferino the role of requeté would be rather to guarantee "the free exercise by all citizens of their legitimate rights " and to be "a body of voluntary Civil Guards that only molests those who live from the booty of disorder, violence and anarchy".[72] If they managed to prevail and keep the hotheads in check it was only with great difficulty, and largely thanks to perfect relations with the new Carlist king, Don Jaime. Junyent travelled to Venice to greet the pretender when he assumed the claim,[73] and in 1914 he travelled to Viareggio to receive instructions on conduct of Carlist propaganda following outbreak of the Great War.[74] As former MP, manager of El Correo and member of the provincial executive Junyent appeared also on party rallies across Catalonia[75] or beyond.[76]

Towards Catalan party jefatura (1915-1919)
Duque de Solferino

Overwhelmed by internal conflicts Solferino resigned as the Catalan party jefe in 1915. As his closest collaborator, representative of similar moderate line and a politician extremely loyal to Don Jaime, Junyent was nominated his successor.[77] He was immediately subject to onslaught on part of 3 partially overlapping groups of inner opposition: violent radicals accused him of appeasement versus "regionalismo conservador",[78] anti-Catalanists lambasted his perceived penchant towards "derecha nacionalista"[79] and the emerging Mellistas were unhappy about his utter loyalty to Don Jaime, even though El Correo Catalán tended to sympathize with Germany rather than with the Entente.[80] All these factions focused on Iglesias as their leader; when in 1916 the national party jefé Marqúes de Cerralbo endorsed him as the party candidate in general elections from Lerida[81] another crisis ensued.[82] Eventually the entire Junta Provincial including Junyent as its head handed their resignations;[83] Solferino was reinstated as the Catalan jefé.[84]

Changes in local party leadership did not prevent growing fragmentation of Catalan Carlism in the late 1910s. According to one scholar around 1917 it was divided into a faction led by Junyent and Lluís Argemí and a group headed by Miguel Salellas and Teodoro Más;[85] according to another by 1919 there were 3 groups, the Jaimistas with Junyent, Bartolomé Trías and Juan María Roma, the Ateneo faction championed by Pablo Vives and the Mellista section led by Iglesias.[86] Still more confusing was emergence of Carlism-flavored trade unions, catering to urban proletariat; during foundation of Sindicato Libre Regional in Barcelona in 1919 Junyent was present and supportive, though soon the Libres would emancipate and vehemently deny any Traditionalist heritage.[87]

Junyent and Junta de Biarritz, 1919

Junyent cautiously tried to navigate his way between violent urban insurrectionism, nationalist separatism,[88] Mellista concept of grand ultra-right alliance[89] and watering down of Traditionalist ideario in an ambiguous bourgeoisie coalition. Though lambasting "nacionalistas cuando se atribuyen la representación de Cataluña"[90] he tried not to burn the bridges with La Lliga. It was thanks to the Lliguista support[91] that in 1918 – still officially listed as abogado[92] - he was elected as the Barcelona representative to the Senate.[93] His entry into the upper chamber coincided with explosive climax of the Mellista fronde within Carlism; in early 1919 de Mella and his supports broke away to form their own organization, the move which decimated command party layers across the country. Junyent maintained his trademark loyalty to Don Jaime; he took part in Magna Junta de Biarritz, a grand meeting supposed to set the party course for the future,[94] and for the second time was nominated the Catalan leader.[95] Unlike the first brief episode, this time his string at the helm of regional Carlism would last 14 years.

Senate, Mancomunitat and ayuntamiento (1919-1923)
autonomy draft, 1919

In the Senate Junyent did not distinguish himself with notable activity; in internal works of the chamber he remained rather passive.[96] However, he became heavily engaged in talks between Cortes and a newly formed makeshift Catalan quasi-government, Mancomunitat. Already in 1918 Junyent entered[97] the editorial committee of Bases d’Autonomia de Catalunya, appointed by Mancomunitat;[98] he also joined comisión extraparlamentaria set up by the Cortes with the purpose of negotiating Catalan autonomous regulations.[99] Junyent joined the faction which advocated unilateral declaration of autonomy instead of pushing the project through the Madrid parliament, which he thought would only water it down.[100] In 1919 together with Cambó and Lerroux he emerged as member of an informal Catalan triumvirate leading the project,[101] joined a common commission formed by Mancomunitat and the Cortes,[102] and edited autonomy text to be subject to popular plebiscite.[103] Together with Cambó and Lerroux, Junyent was also among key Catalan leaders who decided to suspend the autonomy campaign in the spring of 1919, in wake of major strike and social unrest engulfing the region.[104] His ticket in the senate expired in 1919 and apparently he made no effort to renew it.

In his public activity – including support for the Mancomunitat-driven autonomy attempt – Junyent acted not only on his own behalf but also as representative of the Carlists, now named the Jaimistas.[105] In 1920, as the Mellista breakup kept decimating the party, he went on underlining his total loyalty to Don Jaime and in El Correo Catalán he declared that the Traditionalists must stay united behind their claimant.[106] He presided or attended closed Traditionalist meetings and public rallies,[107] in 1920-1921 remained active also in increasingly paralyzed Mancomunitat.[108] At the time he was getting increasingly skeptical about social and political developments in Spain; in the early 1920s El Correo was criticizing growing anarchy and chaos,[109] especially that Junyent himself almost fell victim to a bomb attack, intended to kill the civil governor.[110] It seems that at the time El Correo Catalán was already his own property;[111] businesswise Junyent was also engaged in Banco Catalán, as he presided over its Consejo de Administración.[112]

Don Jaime, 1920s

In early 1922 Junyent ran to the Barcelona ayuntamiento on the Traditionalist ticket and was successfully elected from distrito cuarto.[113] The same year he was nominated teniente de alcalde, one of the deputy mayors,[114] confirmed on this position in 1923.[115] He adhered to his trademark balanced political position and in the town hall he maintained good relations with moderate Catalanists from La Lliga,[116] admitting reservations but in general declaring himself in support for ideas of its defunct leader, Prat de la Riba. Junyent remained tractable and conciliatory; in June 1923, when the ayuntamiento was locked in internal crisis, he offered to resign his tenencia de alcaldía.[117] He also intervened in favor of Traditionalist trade-unionists from Sindicatos Libres, at times in trouble with the forces of order.[118] In his capacity of the Barcelona concejal Junyent hosted also his king, Don Jaime, during the claimant's 5-day stay in the city in July 1923.[119]

Dictatorship (1923-1931)
El Correo Catalán

Increasingly anxious about growing political chaos and social unrest, like many Carlists Junyent seemed to have appreciated the advent of Primo de Rivera dictatorship;[120] already in mid-1923 he took part in Somatén feast together with the Barcelona capitán general.[121] His cautious support started to evaporate following first measures of the new regime. By the end of 1923 he was deposed from the Barcelona ayuntamiento, his career in the town hall terminated after less than 2 years;[122] in 1924 the ban on usage of Catalan in public administration prompted him to sign an open letter, which demanded that the language be freely used across the region;[123] finally, in 1924 he was trialed retroactively in relation to his 1918 article in El Correo Catalán;[124] the piece in question technically called for Spain to maintain strict neutrality during the Great War, but the prosecutor charged Junyent with instigating rebellion.[125] Outcome of the case is not known.

At the time Junyent remained in close touch with his king Don Jaime; in late 1923 he travelled to Paris to get latest instructions on proper Carlist stand versus the dictadura,[126] and made the same trip in early 1924[127] and then later the same year.[128] In the mid-1920s the party position towards the regime changed and evolved first into non-participation and then into criticism. As the Catalan regional jefé Junyent issued a series of orders which warned the rank-and-file not to engage in official structures and introduced sort of internal party censorship, aimed to enforce united stand of the Catalan Carlist press; as director of El Correo Catalán and within limits permitted by censorship, he tried to propagate the same stand in his daily.[129] His own public activity was largely reduced to Traditionalist or religious gatherings, like celebrating Fiesta de Monarquía Tradicional;[130] in 1925 he led a large Carlist pilgrimage to Rome.[131] However, in 1926 he was noted also as admitted by the minister of interior; neither the purpose not the outcome of the visit is known.[132]

Carlist standard

There is scarce information on Junyent public activities of the second half of the 1920s; going on as the Carlist Catalan jefé[133] he already received homages as a distinguished leader[134] and remained among key nationwide party politicians meeting Don Jaime, e.g. during his visit to the claimant's residence in Frohsdorf.[135] Traditionally steering clear of risky enterprises, in the late 1920s he intervened to defuse a plot to mount sort of a rising in Seu d’Urgell, contemplated by some young Carlist hotheads.[136] Once dictatorship gave way to dictablanda he resumed efforts aimed at Catalan autonomy. When presidents of provincial Catalan diputaciones met in 1930 in what seemed like an effort to re-create Mancomunitat,[137] Junyent in El Correo claimed that the Catalan problem required "solución integral y definitiva",[138] yet he did not fail to note that with own language, laws, flag and spirit, Catalonia "es española porque es profundamente catalana".[139] In February 1931 he entered new comisión extraparlamentaria, supposed to work on an autonomy statute.[140]

Republic (1931-1933)
autonomy statute, 1932

Junyent greeted the advent of the Republic with far-reaching skepticism. In late 1931 he asserted that the new Cortes remained "politically, socially and religiously extremist and dictatorial", and that they advanced legislation "contra de sentimiento y espíritu tradicional de nuestra raza".[141] Though far from instigating violence, he was detained following Barcelona riots which involved the Carlist youth and spent short time in a prison ship Dédalo,[142] released in December 1931.[143] When in 1932 members of the Sanjurjo conspiracy sounded him on would-be co-operation Junyent refused to commit himself quoting insufficient manpower and authority, which did not prevent his another detention until after the coup.[144] One more detention followed in 1933, after another round of riots and police action against Carlist círculos.[145]

Despite his reservations about republicanism-flavored draft of the Catalan autonomy statute Junyent hesitantly decided to support it in the referendum,[146] as "genuine though limited affirmation of Catalonia’s personality".[147] He also silenced the group of Carlist youth – which included his son[148] – when they voiced opposition to the project[149] and made sure that in the party propaganda there was sufficient emphasis on regional Catalan features.[150] However, in fact he remained highly skeptical about secularism of the statute and was anxious that the autonomous region would fell prey to Anarcho-Syndicalism,[151] leaving Carlism trapped in the region ruled by leftist extremism.[152] He tried to counter it by fostering numerous Traditionalist propaganda initiatives, like the spring 1932 Gran Setmana Tradicionalista[153] or by joining conservative institutions like Propaganda Cultural Católica.[154] He also tried to resurrect the alliance with La Lliga, based on the program of defending religion, law and order;[155] the plan did not work and much to his regret,[156] during local Catalan elections of 1932 La Liga preferred to enter alliance with the Radicals.[157] Junyent ran in the campaign himself,[158] but both his personal and the general Carlist results across the region were miserable.[159]

Junyent (centre) during a Traditionalist rally in Catalonia, 1932

Junyent's moderate loyalist strategy,[160] support for autonomy[161] and penchant for alliance with the bourgeoisie La Lliga generated more and more controversy among the Catalan party rank-and-file. It was exacerbated by his comments about a possible fusion between two "ramas borbónicas",[162] even though at the time such concept was contemplated by the late Don Jaime[163] and then by his successor.[164] One of few Carlists leaders "forever",[165] he enjoyed excellent relations with Don Alfonso Carlos and advised him on dynastic issues,[166] yet since 1932 the fronde against him was on the rise, including booing at party rallies.[167] His chief opponents, Conde de Valdellano and José María Cunill Postius, charged him with "concomitancia con los partidos liberales", "colaboracionismo con la política liberal"[168] and "servilismo hacia los liberales";[169] further charges included Junyent's Catalanism and poor results in 1932 elections.[170] The campaign was well-prepared and some of the opponents travelled to France to win over the claimant.[171] Junyent himself seemed tired and embittered; twice he tried to hand his resignation.[172] His third letter was finally accepted and in June 1933 Junyent ceased as the Catalan jefé.[173]

Retiree (1933-1936)
Don Alfonso Carlos

Already in the late 1920s Junyent had to scale down his public engagements due to deteriorating health;[174] no longer the Catalan Carlist political leader, he was gradually withdrawing from active politics altogether. His last known presence at a sitting of the regional party executive is dated at late 1934.[175] His new roles in the party were typical for a retiree, a pundit with advisory voice;[176] in 1933 Don Alfonso Carlos asked him to preside over Junta Consultiva de la Regional de Cataluña,[177] a body which has probably never materialized, and in 1934 he was nominated to Consejo de Cultura Tradicionalista,[178] a board of intellectuals supposed to act as guardians of ideological purity. His rare public engagements were at times related to current politics, e.g. in late 1933 he took part in electoral rally of the Right[179] or in 1934 he joined a rally supposed to commemorate the Carlists killed during the October Revolution.[180] However, Junyent's public appearances were increasingly detached from ongoing events, e.g. in 1935 he participated in a homage session to Juan María Roma.[181]

Following 30 years at the helm of El Correo Catalán, in 1933[182] Junyent ceased also as director of the newspaper.[183] Circumstances of his departure are not clear; none of the sources consulted clarifies whether he resigned, was forced to resign or got dismissed. It is neither clear who was the owner of El Correo at the time he stepped down. His business engagements were these related to presidency of Banco Catalán Hipotecario, due to its political and personal links known as "el banc dels carlins".[184] Junyent had also to take care of his Can Perevells estate in Piera, which was increasingly plagued by social conflicts with jornaleros contracted to work the fields.[185] Finally, Junyent was involved in works of Societat Económica Barcelonesa d’Amics del Pais and Institut Agricola Catalá de Sant Isidre.[186] It is not known whether Junyent was in any way involved or even aware of the Carlist conspiracy against the Republic and whether the July coup caught him by surprise; one source claims that by the time he had already withdrawn from politics.[187] There are confusing accounts on his whereabouts after the coup. According to one source he remained in Barcelona and participated in Banco Catalán executive session; he filed his resignation over issues related to compensation for an employee who suffered during the turmoil; the letter was not accepted.[188] According to another, he went into hiding.[189] One more source claims that a militia patrol arrived at his home to arrest him, but they reportedly resigned due to Junyent's poor health.[190] Shortly afterwards he suffered from fatal heart attack[191] having learnt that his successor as the Carlist Catalan jefé, Tomás Cayla, had been beheaded by the Republicans.[192] One day later another FAI patrol came either to detain or to execute him;[193] they concluded the mission only when led to a room, where the corpse of Junyent was being prepared for funeral. Various accounts of this episode differ.[194]

See also

Footnotes
  1. Junyent entry, [in:] HeraldryInstitute service, available here
  2. Salvador Junyent i Bovés entry, [in:] Geneanet service, available here
  3. Anuario Riera 1896, p. 599, available here
  4. Anuario Riera 1903, p. 859, available here. None of the sources consulted tackles the inconsistency which stems from his presumed 1900 death and being listed as a "propietario" in 1903
  5. Cèlia Cañelles Julià, Rosa Toran, Els governs de la ciutat de Barcelona (1875-1930): Eleccions, partist i regidors, Barcelona 2013, page unavailable, see here
  6. Prudéncia Rovira Oller entry, [in:] Geneanet service, available here
  7. compare Casa Rovira entry, [in:] PoblesDeCatalunya service, available here
  8. Prudencia Junyent Rovira (1874-1960), see La Vanguardia 09.10.60, available here
  9. César Alcalá, Diálogos sobre la Guerra Civil, Barcelona 2000, p. 11
  10. J.R.G., Tres periodistes anoiencs dels segles XIX i XX, [in:] Diari d’Igualada 29.01.94, p. 25, available here
  11. La Dinastía 12.03.95, available here
  12. Diari d’Igualada 29.01.94
  13. Anuario Riera 1899, p. 275, available here
  14. Anuario Riera 1901, p. 122, available here, p. 193, Anuario Riera 1903, p. 193, available here
  15. La Dinastía 28.03.01, available here
  16. Antonio M. Moral Roncal, La cuestión religiosa en la Segunda República Española: Iglesia y carlismo, Madrid 2009, ISBN 9788497429054, p. 91
  17. the first child of Miguel and Joaquína was born 1898, see Miquel Junyent Rovira entry, [in:] Geneanet service, available here
  18. Joaquima Quintana Padró entry, [in:] Geneanet service, available here, see also La Vanguardia 05.03.12, available here
  19. her father was Domingo Quintana Dalara (1839-1924); nothing closer is known of him, La Vanguardia 05.04.24, available here
  20. La Vanguardia 05.03.12, available here
  21. La Vanguardia 20.11.16, available here
  22. when marrying Junyent she was a widow to Francisco Anfrúns Manés, José Miguel de Mayoralgo y Lodo, Movimiento Nobiliario 1941, p. 50, available here
  23. La Vanguardia 02.11.34, available here
  24. born 1898, unlike her siblings María Junyent Quintana was not listed in death notice of her mother of 1912
  25. Enric Gallén, Guillermo Díaz-Plaja, director de l’Institut del Teatre durant el primer franquisme, [in:] Franquisme & transició 3 (2015), p. 63
  26. as a Carlist Junyent Quintana ran in the 1932 local elections; he complied with the 1937 Unification Decree and afterwards remained active in FET, Robert Vallverdú i Martí, La metamorfosi del carlisme català: del "Déu, Pàtria i Rei" a l'Assamblea de Catalunya (1936-1975), Barcelona 2014, ISBN 9788498837261, pp. 116, 121. In the 1940s he was active in the Carloctavista faction of Carlism, Francisco de las Heras y Borrero, Un pretendiente desconocido. Carlos de Habsburgo. El otro candidato de Franco, Madrid 2004, ISBN 8497725565, p. 76. See Junyent Quintanta kissing hand of his king on NoDo newsreel, NO-DO #136A footage (09:47 to 09.54), available here
  27. La Vanguardia 07.04.46, available here
  28. he was active in the re-launched El Correo Catalán, other press titles and local radio broadcasting, La Vanguardia 15.01.82, available here
  29. compare the list of his publications in Jaime del Burgo, Bibliografia del Siglo XIX, Pamplona 1978, p. 551
  30. La Vanguardia 24.12.57, available here
  31. see Montserrat Junyent Quintana entry, [in:] Geneanet service, available here
  32. Los Padres de la Constitución de 1978, [in:] El País 24.07.12, available here
  33. La Vanguardia 17.09.39, available here
  34. he was manager of Banco General del Comercio y la Industria in the 1970s, La Vanguardia 21.09.75, available here
  35. he subscribed to one of the initiatives of the Integrist daily El Siglo Futuro, see El Siglo Futuro 01.10.89, available here
  36. La Dinastía 28.01.91, available here
  37. El Correo Español 11.04.94, available here
  38. La Dinastía 29.11.95, available here, and La Dinastía 01.12.97, available here
  39. El Correo Español 09.11.93, available here
  40. César Alcalá, D. Mauricio de Sivatte. Una biografía política (1901-1980), Barcelona 2001, ISBN 8493109797, p. 10
  41. La Dinastía 16.03.03, available here
  42. Jordi Canal, El carlisme català dins l’Espanya de la Restauració, Vic 1998, ISBN 8476022433, p. 145
  43. El Correo Español 29.07.15, available here
  44. La Correspondencia de España 18.05.03, available here
  45. El Correo Español 06.05.04, available here
  46. for samples of anti-Jewish articles in El Correo Catalán from the Restoration period see Joan Pérez i Ventayol, Els debats sobre la question jueva a Catalunya (1917-1939) [PhD thesis Universitát Autonomá], Barcelona 2015, pp. 217-219. The Jewish thread became particularly prominent in El Correo after 1931, when Joan Tusquets grew to one of the key contributors to the daily; in a PhD work on anti-semitism in Catalonia El Correo Catalán is quoted 160 times, see Pérez i Ventayol 2015
  47. La Epoca 07.02.04, available here
  48. El Siglo Futuro 18.05.04, available here
  49. Montejurra 50 (1970)
  50. La Epoca 19.03.06, available here
  51. Javier Barraycoa, 175 años del calrismo catalán, [in:] Barraycoa.com service 30.12.17, available here
  52. José Luis Orella Martínez, El origén del primer catolicismo social español [PhD thesis UNED], Madrid 2012, p. 106, Albert Balcells, Joan B. Culla, Conxita Mir, Les eleccions generals a Catalunya de 1901 a 1923, Barcelona 1982, ISBN 8485557093, p. 131
  53. Stanley Payne, Carlism and nationalism, [in:] Revista de História de Ideas 29 (2008), p. 395
  54. Xavier Tornafoch, Política, eleccions i caciquismo a Vic (1900-1930) [PhD thesis Universitat Autónoma], Barcelona 2003, p. 116
  55. Tornafoch 2003, p. 86
  56. Balcells, Culla, Mir 1982, p. 144
  57. Junyent got 97,49% of the votes cast and was supported by 58,79% of these entitled to vote; he clearly won against a republican and a conservative candidate, Balcells, Culla, Mir 1982, p. 522
  58. Canal 2000, p. 259
  59. La Correspondencia Militar 20.05.07, available here
  60. El Globo 29.01.08. available here
  61. El Correo Español 19.05.08. available here
  62. Heraldo de Madrid 05.06.10, available here
  63. La Hormiga de Oro 30.05.08, available here
  64. El Correo Catalan has not been digitalized so far and is unavailable for online consultation; for its pieces reported in other press titles see e.g. El Liberal 29.06.09, available here
  65. El Motín 01.07.09, available here
  66. Tornafoch 2003, p. 141
  67. Junyent got 46,08% of the votes, 4,262 vs 4,788 of these collected by the victorious candidate
  68. Balcells, Culla, Mir 1982, p. 533, for detailed results see Tornafoch 2003, p. 147
  69. Junyent maintained a very loyalist posture; in 1908 prior to organizing another meeting he telegraphed the ministry of interior seeking permission and assured that the rally would be an orderly one, El Siglo Futuro 21.04.08, available here
  70. Julio Aróstegui, Combatientes Requetés en la Guerra Civil española, 1936-1939, Madrid 2013, ISBN 9788499709758, p. 65
  71. Colin M. Winston, Workers and the Right in Spain, 1900-1936, Princeton 2014, ISBN 9781400858095, p. 86, see also Eduardo González Calleja, Paramilitarització i violencia política a l'Espanya del primer terc de segle: el requeté tradicionalista (1900-1936), [in:] Reviste de Girona 147 (1991), p. 410. After the 1911 San Feliu melee Junyent and Iglesias were accused in the Cortes of instigating violence, La Mañana 01.06.11, available here
  72. El Correo Catalán 11.7.15, quoted after Winston 2014, p. 86
  73. Manuel Polo y Peyrolón, D. Carlos de Borbón y de Austria-Este, Valencia 1909, p. 205
  74. Don Jaime instructed Junyent that the Carlist press should maintain strict neutrality; he also demanded more respect for France, which does not allow mocking or ridiculing the French, Juan Ramón de Andrés Martín, El cisma mellista. Historia de una ambición política, Madrid 2000, ISBN 9788487863820, p. 104
  75. La Mañana 29.05.11, available here; in 1913 Junyent headed the Carlist representatives who on the French border welcomed the corpse of Carlist general Tristany, transported for burial from France to Spain, La Correspondencia de España 27.04.13, available here
  76. e.g. in 1909 he spoke in Madrid, El Correo Español 08.02.09, available here
  77. Agustín Fernández Escudero, El marqués de Cerralbo (1845-1922): biografía politica [PhD thesis Universidad Complutense], Madrid 2012, p. 455
  78. Andrés Martín 2000, p. 119
  79. Canal 2000, p. 268
  80. Pérez i Ventayol 2015, p. 217, David Martínez Fiol, La Gran Guerra i el catalanisme, [in:] Raco.cat service, available here
  81. Jordi Soldevila Roig, Aigua, burgesia i catalanisme. Mollerussa, la construcció d'una ciutat (1874-1936), Lleida 2015, ISBN 9788484097624, p. 72, Conxita Mir, Lleida (1890-1936): caciquisme polític i lluita electoral, Montserrat 1985, ISBN 9788472027169, p. 311, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 119
  82. Balcells, Culla, Mir 1982, pp. 222, 249
  83. El Correo Español 24.03.15, available here
  84. Isidre Molas, Els senadors carlins de Catalunya (1901-1923), Barcelona 2009, p. 9
  85. Molas 2009, p. 9
  86. Balcells, Culla, Mir 1982, p. 285
  87. Winston 2014, p. 112
  88. in 1912 El Correo Catalán started to publish a literary page in Catalan, Gemma Estrada i Planell, Les festes de la commemoració del Centenari de la Guerra del Francès, Montserrat 2009, ISBN 9788498832051, p. 92
  89. in 1916 with Cerralbo and Mella Junyent met the minister of interior discussing elections, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 487
  90. La Epoca 12.06.16, available here
  91. El Sol 05.03.18, available here
  92. Indispensable al abogado 1917, p. 274, available here; it is not clear at what point Junyent ceased to practice. It is known that in 1908 he was librarian at Academia de Jurisprudencia y Legislación, Toran 2013
  93. Molas 2009, p. 13, see also the official Senate service, available here
  94. Joan María Roma (ed.), Album histórico del carlismo, Barcelona 1933, p. 285
  95. Molas 2009, p. 10
  96. Junyent Rovira, Miguel entry, [in:] Senate service, available here
  97. as one of 2 Traditionalists; another one was Narcís Batlle i Baró
  98. Albert Balcells, El projecte d’autonomia de la Mancomunitat de Catalunya del 1919 i el seu context históric, Barcelona 2010, p. 30
  99. El Año Político 1918, p. 471, available here
  100. as "perquè en cas que el projecte de llei que presentés el Govern no satisfés les necessitats a què aspira Catalunya, nosaltres poguéssim presentar al Parlament un contraprojecte dient i exigint ço que és la voluntat de Catalunya", quoted after Balcells 2010, p. 59
  101. Balcells 2010, p. 96
  102. Balcells 2010, p. 94
  103. Balcells 2010, p. 156
  104. Balcells 2010, p. 331
  105. El Liberal 27.01.19, available here
  106. El Correo Español 25.07.20, available here
  107. La Correspondencia de España 01.04.20, available here
  108. El Liberal 11.06.20, available here
  109. Robert Vallverdú i Martí, El carlisme català durant la Segona República Espanyola 1931-1936, Barcelona 2008, ISBN 9788478260805, p. 13
  110. El Correo Español 26.02.20, available here. Junyent suffered from street violence also in 1925, this time with no political background involved; he tried to stop a pickpocket and got injured, La Epoca 03.01.25, available here
  111. La Epoca 01.06.22, available here
  112. Anuario Garciceballos 1921-1922 p. 398, available here
  113. El Sol 07.02.22, available here
  114. Molas 2009, p. 20
  115. La Correspondencia de España 08.02.23, available here
  116. La Epoca 01.06.22, available here
  117. La Correspondencia de España 11.06.23, available here
  118. El Sol 14.04.23, available here
  119. Heraldo de Madrid 05.07.23, available here
  120. Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 13-14
  121. El Somatén 35 (1923), available here
  122. Las Provincias 28.10.23, available here
  123. El Pueblo 13.04.24, available here
  124. Lluís Costa i Fernández, La dictadura de Primo de Rivera a Girona: premsa i societat (1923-1930), Girona 1994, ISBN 9788469427996, p. 380
  125. Región 13.04.24, available here
  126. Diario de Valencia 09.12.23, available here
  127. El Diario Palentino 06.02.24, available here
  128. Diario de Valencia 27.09.24, available here
  129. Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 13-14
  130. Diario de Valencia 09.01.24, available here
  131. La Cruz 28.10.25, available here
  132. La Libertad 11.02.26, available here
  133. Costa i Fernández 1994, p. 407
  134. El Eco de Gerona 01.05.26, available here
  135. La Epoca 22.06.26, available here
  136. Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 19
  137. Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 41
  138. "solución integral y definitiva que reconozca la personalidad política y administrativa de las colectividades naturales e históricas", quoted after Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 25
  139. Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 42-43
  140. La Correspondencia de España 22.02.31, available here
  141. El Siglo Futuro 23.11.31, available here
  142. Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 94
  143. Crisol 09.12.31, available here, El Sol 15.12.31, available here
  144. Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939, Cambridge 2008, ISBN 9780521207294, p. 89, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 108-109
  145. Moral Roncal 2009, p. 184
  146. Canal 2000, p. 290, Moral Roncal 2009, p. 52
  147. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 61
  148. their mouthpiece was a weekly Reacción, printed on the El Correo Catalán machines, Alcalá 2001, p. 21
  149. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 61, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 48
  150. late 1932 when presiding over provincial junta sessions Junyent intervened when sensed that not enough stress was on the Catalan identity, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 125
  151. Junyent predicted that the bourgeoisie Esquerra would be "the captive of the Anarcho-Syndicalists whose votes it has solicited four times in as many months". Accepting a potentially independent Catalonia would be surrending to what Junyent described as "the corpse", Blinkhorn 2008, p. 61
  152. Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 51
  153. Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 101
  154. Junyent joined the executive of the organisation, Josep Arqué i Carré, Derecha de Cataluña: Monárquics alfonsins contra la Segona Republica i la Catalunya Autónomia [PhD thesis Universitat Autónoma], Barcelona 2014, p. 31
  155. Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 114-115
  156. El Siglo Futuro 15.11.32, available here
  157. Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 116
  158. Alcalá 2001, p. 22, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 13
  159. in the 1932 local elections in Barcelona province Junyent got 6.356 votes, the best result obtained by a Carlist. In the Barcelona city the party got 3,96% of the votes, in Barcelona county 4,32%, in Girona 5,64%; data for Lerida not available, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 120
  160. in a 1933 letter to Generalitat Junyenat declared his loyalty though he did not fail to note that the current regime was not the Carlist ideal, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 130
  161. following support the Catalan Carlist branch lent to the autonomy project some Carlists in other regions dubbed them traitors; Junyent responded that a defective autonomy statute was better than no statute at all; his ideal solution was this of a confederation, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 67, 342
  162. El Siglo Futuro 23.11.31, available here
  163. after the fall of the monarchy in 1931 Junyent was confirmed by Don Jaime as the regional jefe, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 70; in a letter Don Jaime sent to Junyent in October 1931 he was reportedly optimistic about the future of Spain, La Epoca 02.10.31, available here. Soon Junyent travelled to Paris to attend the funeral ceremonies, El Cruzado Español 09.10.31, available here
  164. in November 1931 Junyent received a cordial letter from the new claimant, El Cruzado Español 13.11.31,available here
  165. among 26 Carlist leaders of the 1930s there were only 7 who have always been loyal to the claimants, Manuel Martorell Pérez, Nuevas aportaciones históricas sobre la evolución ideológica del carlismo, [in:] Gerónimo de Uztariz 16 (2000), p. 104. Back in 1931 Junyent himself was rather enthusiastic about reunification of Traditionalism, El Siglo Futuro 28.11.31, available here
  166. in 1933 Don Alfonso Carlos asked few Carlist pundits, including Junyent, for opinion on the succession question. Junyent responded with a letter titled La opinión personal sobre la sucesión de la Corona de España. The long discourse, starting with Felipe V, in principle did not deny heritage rights to the deposed Don Alfonso, but concluded that he had become undignified. The letter as such was inconclusive and did not point to any would-be successor of Don Alfonso Carlos. In terms of resolving the issue Junyent discouraged staging a grand Carlist meeting as he feared chaos and fragmentation; he rather suggested a meeting of regional jefes, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 278
  167. El Siglo Futuro 30.06.32, available here
  168. Alcalá 2001, pp. 23-24
  169. Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 136-137
  170. Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 128
  171. Alcalá 2001, pp. 23-24
  172. José Carlos Clemente, El carlismo en el novecientos español (1876-1936), Barcelona 1999, ISBN 9788483741535, p. 138
  173. some authors claim that Junyent resigned sensing that his dismssal was inevitable, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 136-137. Some scholars claim that Junyent’s immediate successor was Maurici de Sivatte, see Alcalá 2001, pp. 23-24; some maintain that Sivatte was a temporary caretaker and the successor was Lorenzo Alier, Clemente 1999, p. 138
  174. Diario de Reus 27.04.29, available here
  175. Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 193
  176. Junyent has not been known for penchant towards theoretical works, ideology or doctrinal studies. However, by some much younger Traditionalists he was considered authority; according to these accounts Junyent appreciated in particular the works of an early theorist, Magín Ferrer, Rodón Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015, p. 551, younger rodon invierno 551
  177. Clemente 1999, p. 138
  178. Moral Roncal 2009, p. 122, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 208, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 163
  179. Hoja Oficial de la Provincia de Barcelona 13.11.33, available here
  180. El Siglo Futuro 20.10.34, available here
  181. El Siglo Futuro 30.11.35, available here
  182. some sources suggest that Junyent ceased as El Correo jefe already in 1932, Hoja Oficial de la Provincia de Barcelona 08.05.67, available here
  183. Miquel Barcelonauta, El Correo Catalán. Diari del matí, [in:] Barcelofilia blog 06.05.12, available here
  184. César Alcalá, Las checas del terror, Barcelona 2007, ISBN 9788496088597, p. 251
  185. Cèlia Cañelles Julià, Rosa Toran, Els governs de la ciutat de Barcelona (1875-1930): Eleccions, partits i regidors, Barcelona 2013, page unavailable, see here
  186. Cañelles, Toran 2013
  187. Balcells 2010, p. 156
  188. Alcalá 2007, pp. 255-256
  189. El Defensor de Cordoba 14.04.37, available here
  190. Marià Rubió i Tudurí, Mariano Rubió y Tudurí, Barcelona, 1936-1939, Montserrat 2002, ISBN 9788484154273, p. 99
  191. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 260
  192. José María Zavala, Los horrores de la Guerra Civil: Testimonios y vivencias de los dos bandos, Madrid 2011, ISBN 9788499890821, page unavailable, see here
  193. Antonio Checa Godoy, Prensa y partidos políticos durante la II República, Salamanca 1989, ISBN 9788474815214, p. 195
  194. all accounts agree that the FAI militiamen were visibly disappointed to see that Junyent was already dead, but the versions differ in details. One account claims that having seen the corpse the militiamen turned back and left in silence, Alcalá 2007, p. 257. According to another account one of the militiamen asked the other "why don't we give him a coup de grâce?" but eventually refrained from "killing the dead", Zavala 2011, page unavailable, see here. One more version is that one of the militiamen uttered "bollocks, I told you we should have come yesterday", Paul Preston, Comrades, London 2012, ISBN 9780007378869, page unavailable, see here, and another one that they blasphemed, El Día de Palencia 01.04.37, available here
Junyent around 1918

Further reading
  • Albert Balcells, El projecte d’autonomia de la Mancomunitat de Catalunya del 1919 i el seu context históric, Barcelona 2010
  • Albert Balcells, Joan B. Culla, Conxita Mir, Les eleccions generals a Catalunya de 1901 a 1923, Barcelona 1982, ISBN 8485557093
  • Víctor Saura, Carlins, capellans, cotoners i convergents: història d'"El Correo Catalán" (1876-1985), Barcelona 1998, ISBN 8492028971
  • Xavier Tornafoch, Política, eleccions i caciquismo a Vic (1900-1930) [PhD thesis Universitat Autónoma], Barcelona 2003
  • Robert Vallverdú i Martí, El carlisme català durant la Segona República Espanyola 1931-1936, Barcelona 2008, ISBN 9788478260805
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