Russia–United Kingdom relations

Russia–United Kingdom relations, also Anglo-Russian relations,[1] involve the bilateral relationship between the Russian Federation and the United Kingdom. Formal ties between the courts started in 1553. Russia and Britain became allies against Napoleon in the early-19th century. They were enemies in the Crimean War of the 1850s, and rivals in the Great Game for control of central Asia in the latter half of the 19th century. They allied again in World Wars I and II, although the Russian Revolution of 1917 strained relations. The two countries were at sword's point during the Cold War (1947–1989). Russia's big business tycoons developed strong ties with London financial institutions in the 1990s after the dissolution of the USSR in 1991. The countries share a history of intense espionage activity against each other, with the Soviet Union succeeding in penetration of top echelons of the British intelligence and security establishment in the 1930s–1950s. Since the 19th century, England has been a popular destination for Russian political exiles, refugees, and wealthy fugitives from the Russian-speaking world.

Russia–United Kingdom relations

United Kingdom
Russia
Diplomatic mission
British Embassy MoscowEmbassy of Russia, London
Envoy
Ambassadress Deborah BronnertAmbassador Alexander Vladimirovich Yakovenko
U.K. Prime Minister Boris Johnson with Russian President Vladimir Putin at the Libya Conference, January 2020.

In the early-21st century, especially following the poisoning of Alexander Litvinenko in 2006, relations became strained, and since 2014 have grown unfriendly due to the Ukrainian crisis (2013–) and to activities by Russia such as the suspected 2018 poisoning of Sergei and Yulia Skripal, seen as hostile by the UK and by many in the Western world. In the wake of the poisoning, 28 countries expelled suspected Russian spies acting as diplomats.[2]

Historical background

Relations 1553–1792
Russian embassy in London, 1662
Old English Court in Moscow – headquarters of the Muscovy Company and residence of English ambassadors in the 17th century

The Kingdom of England and Tsardom of Russia established relations in 1553 when English navigator Richard Chancellor arrived in Arkhangelsk – at which time Mary I ruled England and Ivan the Terrible ruled Russia. He returned to England and was sent back to Russia in 1555, the same year the Muscovy Company was established. The Muscovy Company held a monopoly over trade between England and Russia until 1698. Tsar Alexei was outraged by the Execution of Charles I of England in 1649, and expelled all English traders and residents from Russia in retaliation.[3]

In 1697–1698 during the Grand Embassy of Peter I the Russian tsar visited England for three months. He improved relations and learned the best new technology especially regarding ships and navigation.[4]

Russia depicted as a bear and Britain as a lion eying off an Afghan in the Great Game.

The Kingdom of Great Britain (1707–1800) and later the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland (1800–1922) had increasingly important ties with the Russian Empire (1721–1917), after Tsar Peter I brought Russia into European affairs and declared himself an emperor. From the 1720s Peter invited British engineers to Saint Petersburg, leading to the establishment of a small but commercially influential Anglo-Russian expatriate merchant community from 1730 to 1921. During the series of general European wars of the 18th century, the two empires found themselves as sometime allies and sometime enemies. The two states fought on the same side during War of the Austrian Succession (1740–48), but on opposite sides during Seven Years' War (1756–63), although did not at any time engage in the field.

Ochakov issue

Prime Minister William Pitt the Younger was alarmed at Russian expansion in Crimea in the 1780s at the expense of his Ottoman ally.[5] He tried to get Parliamentary support for reversing it. In peace talks with the Ottomans, Russia refused to return the key Ochakov fortress. Pitt wanted to threaten military retaliation. However Russia's ambassador Semyon Vorontsov organised Pitt's enemies and launched a public opinion campaign. Pitt won the vote so narrowly that he gave up and Vorontsov secured a renewal of the commercial treaty between Britain and Russia.[6][7]

Relations: 1792–1917

The outbreak of the French Revolution and its attendant wars temporarily united constitutionalist Britain and autocratic Russia in an ideological alliance against French republicanism. Britain and Russia attempted to halt the French but the failure of their joint invasion of the Netherlands in 1799 precipitated a change in attitudes.

Britain created Malta Protectorate in 1800, while the Emperor Paul I of Russia was Grand Master of the Knights Hospitaller. That led to the never-executed Indian March of Paul, which was a secret project of a planned allied Russo-French expedition against the British possessions in India.

The two countries fought each other (albeit only with some very limited naval combat) during the Anglo-Russian War (1807–12), after which Britain and Russia became allies against Napoleon in the Napoleonic Wars. They both played major cooperative roles at the Congress of Vienna in 1814–1815.

Eastern Question, Great Game, Russophobia
See also: Eastern Question and The Great Game

From 1820 to 1907, a new element emerged: Russophobia. British elite sentiment turned increasingly hostile to Russia, with a high degree of anxiety for the safety of British rule in India. The result was a long-standing rivalry in central Asia.[8] In addition, there was a growing concern that Russia would destabilise Eastern Europe by its attacks on the faltering Ottoman Empire. This fear was known as the Eastern Question.[9] Russia was especially interested in getting a warm water port that would enable its navy. Getting access out of the Black Sea into the Mediterranean was a goal, which meant access through the Straits controlled by the Ottomans.[10]

The Charge of the Light Brigade during the Crimean War

Both intervened in the Greek War of Independence (1821–1829), eventually forcing the London peace treaty on the belligerents. The events heightened Russophobia. In 1851 the Great Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations held in London's Crystal Palace, including over 100,000 exhibits from forty nations. It was the world's first international exposition. Russia took the opportunity to dispel growing Russophobia by refuting stereotypes of Russia as a backward, militaristic repressive tyranny. Its sumptuous exhibits of luxury products and large 'objets d'art' with little in the way of advanced technology, however, did little to change its reputation. Britain considered its navy too weak to worry about, but saw its large army as a major threat.[11]

The Russian pressures on the Ottoman Empire continued, leaving Britain and France to ally with the Ottomans and push back against Russia in the Crimean War (1853–1856). Russophobia was an element in generating popular British support for the far-off war.[12] Elite opinion in Britain, especially among Liberals, supported Poles against Russia's rule, after the uprising of 1830. The British government watched nervously as Saint Petersburg suppressed the subsequent Polish revolts in the early 1860s, yet refused to intervene.[13][14]

London hosted the first Russian-language censorship-free periodicals — Polyarnaya Zvezda, Golosa iz Rossii, and Kolokol (″The Bell″) — were published by Alexander Herzen and Nikolai Ogaryov in 1855–1865, which were of exceptional influence on Russian liberal intellectuals in the first several years of publication.[15] The periodicals were published by the Free Russian Press set up by Herzen in 1853, on the eve of the Crimean War, financed by the funds Herzen had managed to expatriate from Russia with the help of his bankers, the Paris branch of the Rothschild family.[16]

Hostile images and growing tensions
The narrow border between the Russian Empire and British India as of 1865, which would eventually become buffered by Afghanistan's Wakhan Corridor

Defeat in the Crimean war in 1856 had humiliated the Russians and sharpened their desire for revenge. Tensions between the governments of Russia and Britain grew during the mid-century period. Since 1815 there had been an ideological cold war between reactionary Russia and liberal Britain. The Russians helped Austria brutally suppress the liberal Hungarian revolt in 1849 to the dismay of the British. Russian leaders felt their nation's leniency in the 1820s allowed liberalism to spread in the West. They deplored the liberal revolutions of the 1830s in France, Belgium, central Europe; worst of all was the anti-Russian revolt that had to be crushed in Poland. New strategic and economic competition heightened tensions in the late 1850s, as the British moved into Asian markets. Russia's suppression of tribal revolts in the Caucasian region release troops for campaigns to expand Russian influence in central Asia, which the British interpreted as a long-term threat to the British Empire in India.[17] There was strong elite and popular hostility to the repeated Russian threats to the Ottoman Empire with the goal of controlling the straits connecting the Black Sea and the Mediterranean.[18]

At midcentury British observers and travellers presented a negative view of Russia as a barbaric and backward nation. The English media depicted the Russians as superstitious, passive, and deserving of their autocratic tsar. In this view, "barbarism" stood in contrast to "civilised" Britain.[19] In 1874, tension lessened as Queen Victoria's second son married the only daughter of Tsar Alexander II, followed by a cordial state visit by the tsar. The goodwill lasted no more than three years, when structural forces again pushed the two nations to the verge of war.[20]

Queen Victoria and Tsar Nicholas II of Russia, Balmoral Castle in Scotland, 1896

Panjdeh incident 1885

Rivalry grew steadily over Central Asia in the Great Game of the late 19th century.[21] Russia desired warm-water ports on the Indian Ocean while Britain wanted to prevent Russian troops from gaining a potential invasion route to India.[22] In 1885 Russia annexed part of Afghanistan in the Panjdeh incident, which caused a war scare. After nearly completing the Russian conquest of Central Asia (Russian Turkestan) the Russians captured an Afghan border fort. Seeing a threat to India, Britain came close to threatening war but both sides backed down and the matter was settled by diplomacy. The effect was to stop further Russian expansion in Asia, except for the Pamir Mountains and to define the north-western border of Afghanistan. However Russia's foreign minister Nikolay Girs and its ambassador to London Baron de Staal in 1887 set up a buffer zone in Central Asia. Russian diplomacy thereby won grudging British acceptance of its expansionism.[23] Persia was also an arena of tension, but without warfare.[24]

Far East, 1860-1917

Although Britain had serious disagreements with Russia regarding Russia's threat to the Ottoman Empire, and perhaps even to India, tensions were much lower in the Far East. London tried to maintain friendly relations in the 1860-1917 period and did reach a number of accommodations with Russia in northeastern Asia. Both nations were expanding in that direction. Russia built the Trans-Siberian Railway in the 1890s, and the British were expanding their large-scale commercial activities in China using Hong Kong, and the treaty ports of China. Russia sought a year-round port south of its main base in Vladivostok. The key ingredient was that both nations were more for fearful of Japanese plans than they were of each other; they both saw the need to collaborate. They cooperated With each other (and France) in forcing Japan to disgorge some of its gains after it won the Sino-Japanese War of 1894. Russia increasingly became a protector of China against Japanese intentions. The Open Door policy promoted by the United States and Britain was designed to allow all nations on an equal footing to trade with China and was accepted by Russia. All the major powers collaborated in defending their diplomats during the Boxer Rebellion. The British signed a military alliance with Japan in 1902, as well as an agreement with Russian 1907 the resolved their major disputes. After Russia was defeated by Japan in 1905, those two countries work together on friendly terms to divide up Manchuria. Thus by 1910 the situation among the great powers in the Far East was generally peaceful with no troubles in sight. When the First World War broke out in 1914, Britain, Russia, Japan and China all declared war on Germany, and cooperated in defeating and dividing up its Imperial holdings.[25][26]

At the same time, Russophilia flourished in Britain, founded on the popularity of Russian novelists such as Lev Tolstoy and Fyodor Dostoyevsky, and sympathetic views of Russian peasants.[27]

Following the assassination of Tsar Alexander II in 1881, exiles from the radical Narodnaya Volya party and other opponents of Tsarism found their way to Britain. Sergei Stepniak and Felix Volkhovsky set up the Russian Free Press Fund, along with a journal, Free Russia, to generate support for reforms to, and abolition of, Russian autocracy. They were supported by liberal, nonconformist and left-wing Britons in the Society of Friends of Russian Freedom. There was also considerable support for victims of the Russian famine of 1891-2 and the Jewish and Christian victims of Tsarist persecution.[28]

Early 20th century

There was cooperation in Asia, however, as the two countries joined many others to protect their interests in China during the Boxer Rebellion (1899–1901).[29]

Britain was an ally of Japan after 1902, but remained strictly neutral and did not participate in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–5.[30][31][32]

However, there was a brief war scare in the Dogger Bank incident in October 1905 when the main Russian battle fleet, headed to fight Japan, mistakenly engaged a number of British fishing vessels in the North Sea fog. The Russians thought they were Japanese torpedo boats, and sank one, killing three fishermen. The British public was angry but Russia apologised and damages were levied through arbitration.[33]

Map of southwest Asia, showing British and Russian areas of rule or influence.

Diplomacy became delicate in the early 20th century. Russia was troubled by the Entente Cordiale between Great Britain and France signed in 1904. Russia and France already had a mutual defense agreement that said France was obliged to threaten Britain with an attack if Britain declared war on Russia, while Russia was to concentrate more than 300,000 troops on the Afghan border for an incursion into India in the event that Britain attacked France. The solution was to bring Russia into the British-French alliance. The Anglo-Russian Entente and the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907 made both countries part of the Triple Entente.[34] The Convention was a formal treaty demarcating British and Russian spheres of influence in Central Asia. It enabled Britain to focus on the growing threat from Germany at sea and in central Europe.[35] The Convention ended the long-standing rivalry in central Asia, and then enabled the two countries to outflank the Germans, who were threatening to connect Berlin to Baghdad with a new railroad that would probably align the Turkish Empire with Germany. The Convention ended the long dispute over Persia. Britain promised to stay out of the northern half, while Russia recognized southern Persia as part of the British sphere of influence. Russia also promised to stay out of Tibet and Afghanistan. In exchange London extended loans and some political support.[36][37] The Convention led to the formation of the Triple Entente.[38]

Allies, 1907–1917
Main article: Russian entry into World War I

Both countries were then part of the subsequent alliance against the Central Powers in World War I. In the summer of 1914, Austria attacked Serbia, Russia promised to help Serbia, Germany promised to help Austria, and war broke out between Russia and Germany. France supported Russia. Under Foreign Minister Sir Edward Gray Britain felt its national interest would be badly hurt if German conquered Belgium and France. It was neutral until Germany suddenly invaded Belgium and France. Britain declared war becoming an ally of France and Russia against Germany and Austria.[39] The alliance lasted when the February 1917 Revolution in Russia overthrew the tsar. However When the Bolsheviks under Lenin took power in November, they made peace with Germany—the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was in effect a surrender with massive loss of territory. Russia ended all diplomatic and trade relations with Britain, and repudiated all debts to London and Paris. The British supported the anti-Bolshevik forces during the Russian Civil War, but they lost, and Britain restored trade relations in 1921.[40]

British–Soviet relations
Soviet–UK relations

Soviet Union
United Kingdom

Interwar period
See also: Zinoviev letter

In 1918, with the Germans advancing toward Moscow, the Russians under Lenin made many concessions to the German Empire in return for peace. The Allies felt betrayed by the Treaty of Brest Litovsk signed on 3 March 1918.[41] Towards the end of World War I, Britain began to send troops to Russia to participate in the Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War which lasted up to 1925, aiming to topple the newly-formed socialist government the Bolsheviks had created.

Following the withdrawal of British troops from Russia, negotiations for trade began, and on 16 March 1921, the Anglo-Soviet Trade Agreement was concluded between the two countries.[42] Lenin's New Economic Policy downplayed socialism and emphasised business dealings with capitalist countries, in an effort to restart the sluggish Russian economy. Britain was the first country to accept Lenin's offer of a trade agreement. It ended the British blockade, and Russian ports were opened to British ships. Both sides agreed to refrain from hostile propaganda. It amounted to de facto diplomatic recognition and opened a period of extensive trade.[43]

Britain formally recognised the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR or Soviet Union, 1922–1991) on 1 February 1924. However, Anglo-Soviet relations were still marked by distrust and contention, culminating in a diplomatic break in 1927. Diplomatic relations between the two countries were severed at the end of May 1927 after a police raid on the All Russian Co-operative Society whereafter prime minister Stanley Baldwin presented the House of Commons with deciphered Soviet telegrams that proved Soviet espionage activities.[44][45] In 1929, the incoming Labour government successfully established permanent diplomatic relations.[46]

Second World War
Main article: Diplomatic history of World War II
1941 Soviet–UK agreement against Germany
British and Soviet servicemen over body of swastikaed dragon

In 1938, Britain and France negotiated the Munich Agreement with Nazi Germany. Stalin opposed the pact and refused to recognize the German annexation of the Czechoslovak Sudetenland.

German-Soviet Non-aggression Pact, 1939

The USSR and Germany signed the Non-aggression Pact in late August 1939, which promised the Soviets control of about half of Eastern Europe, and removed the risk to Germany of a two front war. Germany invaded Poland on 1 September, and the Soviets followed sixteen days later. Many members of the Communist Party in Britain and sympathisers were outraged and quit. Those who remained strove to undermine the British war effort and campaigned for what the Party called a 'people's peace', i.e. a negotiated settlement with Hitler.[47][48] Britain, along with France, declared war on Germany, but not the USSR. The British people were sympathetic to Finland in her Winter War against the USSR. The USSR furthermore supplied oil to the Germans which Hitler's Luftwaffe needed in its Blitz against Britain in 1940.

Field Marshal Montgomery decorates Soviet General Georgy Zhukov at the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin, Germany, 12 July 1945
German invasion 1941
Further information: Moscow Conference (1942)

In June 1941, Germany launched Operation Barbarossa, attacking the USSR. Britain and the USSR agreed an alliance the following month with the Anglo-Soviet Agreement and joined the Second Inter-Allied Meeting in London. The USSR thereafter became one of the Allies of World War II along with Britain, fighting against the Axis Powers. The Anglo-Soviet invasion of Iran secured the oil fields in Iran from falling into Axis hands. The Arctic convoys transported supplies between Britain and the USSR during the war. Britain was quick to provide limited material aid to the Soviet Union - including tanks and aircraft - via these convoys in order to try to keep her new ally in the war against Germany and her allies.[49] One major conduit for supplies was through Iran. The two nations agreed on a joint occupation of Iran, to neutralize German influence. After the war, there were disputes about the Soviet delayed departure from Iran, and speculation that it planned to set up a puppet state along its border. That problem was resolved completely in 1946.[50]

In August 1942, Churchill, accompanied by American W. Averell Harriman, went to Moscow and met Stalin for the first time. The British were nervous that Stalin and Hitler might make separate peace terms; Stalin insisted that would not happen. Churchill explained how Arctic convoys bringing munitions to Russia had been intercepted by the Germans; there was a delay now so that future convoys would be better protected. He apologetically explained there would be no second front this year—no British-American invasion of France—which Stalin had been urgently requesting for months. The will was there, said Churchill, but there was not enough American troops, not enough tanks, not enough shipping, not enough air superiority. Instead the British, and soon the Americans, would step up bombing of German cities and railways. Furthermore, there would be "Operation Torch" in November. It would be a major Anglo-American invasion of North Africa, which would set the stage for an invasion of Italy and perhaps open the Mediterranean for munitions shipments to Russia through the Black Sea. The talks started out on a very sour note but after many hours of informal conversations, the two men understood each other and knew they could cooperate smoothly.[51][52]

Polish boundaries

Stalin was adamant about British support for new boundaries for Poland, and Britain went along. They agreed that after victory Poland's boundaries would be moved westward, so that the USSR took over lands in the east while Poland gained lands in the west that had been under German control.

Lighter blue line: Curzon Line "B" as proposed in 1919. Darker blue line: "Curzon" Line "A" as proposed by the Soviet Union in 1940. Pink areas: Former pre WWII provinces of Germany transferred to Poland after the war. Grey area: Pre WWII Polish territory east to the Curzon Line annexed by the Soviet Union after the war.

They agreed on the "Curzon Line" as the boundary between Poland and the Soviet Union) and the Oder-Neisse line would become the new boundary between Germany and Poland. The proposed changes angered the Polish government in exile in London, which did not want to lose control over its minorities. Churchill was convinced that the only way to alleviate tensions between the two populations was the transfer of people, to match the national borders. As he told Parliament on 15 December 1944, "Expulsion is the method which... will be the most satisfactory and lasting. There will be no mixture of populations to cause endless trouble.... A clean sweep will be made."[53]

Postwar plans

The U.S. and Britain each approached Moscow in its own way; there was little coordination. Churchill wanted specific, pragmatic deals, typified by the percentage arrangement. Roosevelt's highest priority was to have the Soviets eagerly and energetically participate in the new United Nations, and he also wanted them to enter the war against Japan.[54]

In October 1944, Churchill and foreign minister Anthony Eden met Stalin and his foreign minister Vyacheslav Molotov in Moscow. They discussed who would control what in the rest of postwar Eastern Europe. The Americans were not present, were not given shares, and were not fully informed. After lengthy bargaining the two sides settled on a long-term plan for the division of the region, The plan was to give 90% of the influence in Greece to Britain and 90% in Romania to Russia. Russia gained an 80%/20% division in Bulgaria and Hungary. There was a 50/50 division in Yugoslavia, and no Russian share in Italy.[55][56]

Cold War and beyond

Following the end of the Second World War, relations between the Soviet and the Western Bloc deteriorated quickly. Former British Prime Minister Churchill claimed that the Soviet occupation of Eastern Europe after World War II amounted to 'an iron curtain has descended across the continent.' Relations were generally tense during the ensuing Cold War, typified by spying and other covert activities. The British and American Venona Project was established in 1942 for cryptanalysis of messages sent by Soviet intelligence. Soviet spies were later discovered in Britain, such as Kim Philby and the Cambridge Five spy ring, which was operating in England until 1963.

The Soviet spy agency, the KGB, was suspected of the murder of Georgi Markov in London in 1978. A High ranking KGB official, Oleg Gordievsky, defected to London in 1985.

British prime minister Margaret Thatcher pursued a strong anti-communist policy in concert with Ronald Reagan during the 1980s, in contrast with the détente policy of the 1970s. During the Soviet–Afghan War the British supported the Americans in covert military training as well as sending arms and supplies to the Mujaheddin.

Relations improved considerably after Mikhail Gorbachev came to power in the Soviet Union in 1985 and launched perestroika. They remained relatively warm after the collapse of the USSR in 1991 – with Russia taking over the international obligations and status from the demised superpower.

In October 1994, Queen Elizabeth II made a state visit to Russia, the first time ever a British monarch set foot on Russian soil.

2000s
President Vladimir Putin and Queen Elizabeth II on a state visit, 2003

Relations between the countries began to grow tense again shortly after Vladimir Putin was elected as President of the Russian Federation in 2000, with the Kremlin pursuing a more assertive foreign policy and imposing more controls domestically. The major irritant in the early-2000s was the UK's refusal to extradite Russian citizens, self-exiled businessman Boris Berezovsky and Chechen separatist leader Akhmed Zakayev, whom the UK granted political asylum.[57]

In late 2006, former FSB officer Alexander Litvinenko was poisoned in London by radioactive metalloid, Polonium-210 and died three weeks later. The UK requested the extradition of Andrei Lugovoy from Russia to face charges over Litvinenko's death. Russia refused, stating their constitution does not allow extradition of their citizens to foreign countries. As a result of this, the United Kingdom expelled four Russian diplomats, shortly followed by Russia expelling four British diplomats.[58] The Litvinenko affair remains a major irritant in British-Russian relations.[59]

In July 2007, The Crown Prosecution Service announced that Boris Berezovsky would not face charges in the UK for talking to The Guardian about plotting a "revolution" in his homeland. Kremlin officials called it a "disturbing moment" in Anglo-Russian relations. Berezovsky remained a wanted man in Russia until his death in March 2013; having been accused of embezzlement and money laundering.[60]

Russia re-commenced long range air patrols of the Tupolev Tu-95 bomber aircraft in August 2007. These patrols neared British airspace, requiring RAF fighter jets to "scramble" and intercept them.[61][62]

In January 2008, Russia ordered two offices of the British Council situated in Russia to shut down, accusing them of tax violations. Eventually, work was suspended at the offices, with the council citing "intimidation" by the Russian authorities as the reason.[63][64] However, later in the year a Moscow court threw out most of the tax claims made against the British Council, ruling them invalid.[65]

During the 2008 South Ossetia war between Russia and Georgia, then-UK Foreign Secretary, David Miliband, visited the Georgian capital city of Tbilisi to meet with the Georgian President and said the UK's government and people "stood in solidarity" with the Georgian people.[66]

Earlier in 2009, then Solicitor-General, Vera Baird, personally decided that the property of the Russian Orthodox Church in the United Kingdom, which had been the subject of a legal dispute following the decision of the administering Bishop and half its clergy and lay adherents to move to the jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, would have to remain with the Moscow Patriarchate. She was forced to reassure concerned Members of Parliament that her decision had been made only on legal grounds, and that diplomatic and foreign policy questions had played no part. Baird's determination of the case was however endorsed by the Attorney-General Baroness Patricia Scotland. It attracted much criticism. However, questions continue to be raised that Baird's decision was designed not to offend the Putin government in Russia.

In November 2009, David Miliband visited Russia and described the state of relations between the two countries as "respectful disagreement".[67]

2010s
Main article: Russian interference in the 2016 Brexit referendum
UK prime minister Theresa May and Russian president Vladimir Putin at a meeting during the G20 summit in Hangzhou, China, on 4 September 2016

In 2014, relations soured drastically following the Ukrainian crisis, with the British government, along with the US and the EU, imposing punitive sanctions on Russia. In March 2014, The UK suspended all military cooperation with Russia and halted all extant licences for direct military export to Russia.[68] In September 2014, there were more rounds of sanctions imposed by the EU, targeted at Russian banking and oil industries, and at high officials. Russia responded by cutting off food imports from the UK and other countries imposing sanctions.[69] David Cameron, the UK prime minister (2010–2016), and U.S. president Obama jointly wrote for The Times in early September: ″Russia has ripped up the rulebook with its illegal, self-declared annexation of Crimea and its troops on Ukrainian soil threatening and undermining a sovereign nation state″.[70][71]

In 2016, majority of British people decided to vote in favor for the country's exit from the European Union, which was known as Brexit. It created a shock wave across the country, former Prime Minister David Cameron had suggested that Russia meddled in the Brexit, subsequently British officials followed step, accusing Russia of meddling the vote.[72] Future British Prime Minister, Boris Johnson, was accused of being a Russian stooge and underestimating Russian interference.[73][74]

In early 2017, during her meeting with U.S. president Donald Trump, the UK prime minister Theresa May appeared to take a line harsher than that of the U.S. on the Russian sanctions.[75]

In April 2017, Moscow's ambassador to the UK Alexander Yakovenko said UK-Russia relations were at an all-time low.

In mid-November 2017, in her Guildhall speech at the Lord Mayor's Banquet, prime minister May called Russia ″chief among those today, of course″ who sought to undermine the ″open economies and free societies″ Britain was committed to, according to her.[76][77] She went on to elaborate: ″[Russia] is seeking to weaponise information. Deploying its state-run media organisations to plant fake stories and photo-shopped images in an attempt to sow discord in the West and undermine our institutions. So I have a very simple message for Russia. We know what you are doing. And you will not succeed.″[76] In response, Russian parliamentarians said Theresa May was "making a fool of herself" with a "counterproductive" speech; Russia's embassy reacted to the speech by posting a photograph of her from the Banquet drinking a glass of wine, with the tweet: "Dear Theresa, we hope, one day you will try Crimean #Massandra red wine".[78] Theresa May's Banquet speech was compared by some Russian commentators to Winston Churchill's speech in Fulton in March 1946;[79][80] it was hailed by Andrew Rosenthal in a front-page article run by The New York Times that contrasted May's message against some statements about Putin made by Donald Trump, who, according to Rosenthal, ″far from denouncing Putin's continuous assaults on human rights and free speech in Russia, [...] praised [Putin] as being a better leader than Obama.″[81]

In December 2017 Boris Johnson became the first UK foreign secretary to visit Russia in 5 years.[82]

In March 2018, as a result of the poisoning of Sergei and Yulia Skripal in Salisbury, relations between the countries deteriorated still further, both countries expelling 23 diplomats each and taking other punitive measures against one another. Within days of the incident, the UK government's assessment that it was ″highly likely″ that the Russian state was responsible for the incident received the backing of the EU, the US, and Britain's other allies.[83][84][85][86] In what the Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson called the "extraordinary international response" on the part of the UK's allies, on 26 and 27 March 2018 there followed a concerted action by the U.S., most of the EU member states, Albania, Australia, Canada, Macedonia, Moldova, and Norway, as well as NATO to expel a total of over 140 Russian accredited diplomats (including those expelled by the UK).[87][88]

England's squad against Sweden at the 2018 FIFA World Cup in Russia, on 7 July 2018

Additionally, in July 2018, the COBR committee were assembled following a poisoning of two other British citizens in the town of Amesbury, not far from Salisbury, the location of the Skripals' poisoning. It was later confirmed by Porton Down that the substance was a Novichok agent. Sajid Javid, the United Kingdom's home secretary insisted in the house of commons that he was letting the investigation teams conduct a full investigation into what had happened before jumping to a major conclusion. He then re-iterated the initial question to Russia regarding the Novichok agent, accusing them of using the United Kingdom as a 'dumping ground'[89]

In his speech at the RUSI Land Warfare Conference in June 2018, the Chief of the General Staff Mark Carleton-Smith said that British troops should be prepared to "fight and win" against the "imminent" threat of hostile Russia.[90][91] Carleton-Smith said: "The misplaced perception that there is no imminent or existential threat to the UK - and that even if there was it could only arise at long notice - is wrong, along with a flawed belief that conventional hardware and mass are irrelevant in countering Russian subversion...".[91][92] In a November 2018 interview with the Daily Telegraph, Carleton-Smith said that "Russia today indisputably represents a far greater threat to our national security than Islamic extremist threats such as al-Qaeda and ISIL. ... We cannot be complacent about the threat Russia poses or leave it uncontested."[93]

Conservative Party leader Boris Johnson's victory in the 2019 United Kingdom general election received a mixed response from Russia. Press Secretary Dmitry Peskov questioned "how appropriate ... hopes are in the case of the Conservatives" of good relations following the election.[94] However, Putin praised Johnson, stating that "he felt the mood of British society better than his opponents".[95]

Espionage and influence operations
See also: Cambridge Five, Anthony Blunt, Peter Wright (MI5 officer), Oleg Gordievsky, Alexander Litvinenko, Sergei Skripal, and RT UK

In June 2010, UK intelligence officials were saying that Russian spying activity in the UK was back at the Cold War level and that MI5 had been for a few years building up its counter-espionage capabilities against Russians; it was also noted that Russia's focus was ″largely directed on ex-patriots.″[96] In mid-August 2010, Sir Stephen Lander, Director-General of MI5 (1996–2002), said this of the level of Russian intelligence's activity in the UK: ″If you go back to the early 90s, there was a hiatus. Then the spying machine got going again and the SVR [formerly the KGB], they've gone back to their old practices with a vengeance. I think by the end of the last century they were back to where they had been in the Cold War, in terms of numbers.″[97]

Directing non-domestic policy within overseas intelligence is a key but not a sole purpose of such information, its capability based on the information it can act on needs to be understood on its own. Separating its own capability from that gained from intelligence outsourcing and thus serves its purpose as explained.

In January 2012, Jonathan Powell, prime minister Tony Blair's chief of staff in 2006, admitted Britain was behind a plot to spy on Russia with a device hidden in a fake rock that was discovered in 2006 in a case that was publicised by Russian authorities; he said: ″Clearly they had known about it for some time and had been saving it up for a political purpose.″[98][99] Back in 2006, the Russian security service, the FSB, linked the rock case to British intelligence agents making covert payments to NGOs in Russia; shortly afterwards, president Vladimir Putin introduced a law that tightened regulation of funding non-governmental organisations in Russia.[100][101]

Embassies

The Embassy of Russia is located in London, United Kingdom. The Embassy of the United Kingdom is located in Moscow, Russia.

Outside Moscow, there is one British Consulate-General in Ekaterinburg. There was a British Consulate General in St. Petersburg but it was closed in 2018 due to a diplomatic fallout.

See also

Minorities

(Anglo-Russians, Scottish Russians and Irish Russians)

References
  1. Anglo-Russian Relations House of Commons Hansard.
  2. "Russia says it could have been in interests of Britain to poison Sergei Skripal". 2 April 2018. The Kremlin has reacted angrily to the expulsion of Russian diplomats by Britain and its allies, starting tit-for-tat expulsions.
  3. Sebag Montefiore, Simon (2016). The Romanovs. United Kingdom: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. pp. 48–49.
  4. Jacob Abbott (1869). History of Peter the Great, Emperor of Russia. Harper. pp. 141–51.
  5. John Holland Rose, William Pitt and national revival (1911) pp 589-607.
  6. Jeremy Black (1994). British Foreign Policy in an Age of Revolutions, 1783-1793. Cambridge UP. p. 290. ISBN 9780521466844.
  7. John Ehrman, The Younger Pitt: The Reluctant Transition (1996) [vol 2] pp xx.
  8. Gerald Morgan, Anglo-Russian Rivalry in Central Asia, 1810-1895 (1981).
  9. John Howes Gleason, The Genesis of Russophobia in Great Britain: A Study of the Interaction of Policy and Opinion (1950) online
  10. C.W. Crawley, "Anglo-Russian Relations 1815-40." Cambridge Historical Journal 3.1 (1929): 47-73. in JSTOR
  11. Anthony Swift, "Russia and the Great Exhibition of 1851: Representations, perceptions, and a missed opportunity." Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas (2007): 242-263, in English.
  12. Andrew D. Lambert, The Crimean War: British Grand Strategy Against Russia, 1853-56 (2011).
  13. L. R. Lewitter, "The Polish Cause as seen in Great Britain, 1830–1863." Oxford Slavonic Papers (1995): 35-61.
  14. K. W. B. Middleton, Britain and Russia (1947) pp 47–91. Online
  15. David R. Marples. ″Lenin′s Revolution: Russia 1917–1921.″ Pearson Education, 2000, p.3.
  16. Helen Williams. ″Ringing the Bell: Editor–Reader Dialogue in Alexander Herzen′s Kolokol″. Book History 4 (2001), p. 116.
  17. Laurence Guymer. "Meeting Hauteur with Tact, Imperturbability, and Resolution: British Diplomacy and Russia, 1856–1865," Diplomacy & Statecraft 29:3 (2018), 390-412, DOI:10.1080/09592296.2018.1491443
  18. Roman Golicz, "The Russians shall not have Constantinople: English Attitudes to Russia, 1870–1878", History Today (November 2003) 53#9 pp 39-45.
  19. Iwona Sakowicz, "Russia and the Russians opinions of the British press during the reign of Alexander II (dailies and weeklies)." Journal of European studies 35.3 (2005): 271-282.
  20. Sir Sidney Lee (1903). Queen Victoria. p. 421.
  21. Rodric Braithwaite, "The Russians in Afghanistan." Asian Affairs 42.2 (2011): 213-229.
  22. David Fromkin, "The Great Game in Asia," Foreign Affairs(1980) 58#4 pp. 936-951 in JSTOR
  23. Raymond Mohl, "Confrontation in Central Asia" History Today 19 (1969) 176-183
  24. Firuz Kazemzadeh, Russia and Britain in Persia, 1864-1914: A Study in Imperialism (Yale UP, 1968).
  25. Ian Nish, "Politics, Trade and Communications in East Asia: Thoughts on Anglo-Russian Relations, 1861–1907." Modern Asian Studies 21.4 (1987): 667-678. Online
  26. David J. Dallin, The Rise of Russia in Asia (1949) pp 59-61, 36-39, 87-122.
  27. Martin Malia, Russia Under Western Eyes (Boston: Harvard University Press, 2000)
  28. Luke Kelly, British Humanitarian Activity and Russia, 1890-1923 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2017)
  29. Alena N. Eskridge-Kosmach, "Russia in the Boxer Rebellion." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 21.1 (2008): 38-52.
  30. B. J. C. McKercher, "Diplomatic Equipoise: The Lansdowne Foreign Office the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905, and the Global Balance of Power." Canadian Journal of History 24#3 (1989): 299-340. online
  31. Keith Neilson, Britain and the last tsar: British policy and Russia, 1894-1917 (Oxford UP, 1995) p 243.
  32. Keith Neilson, "'A dangerous game of American Poker': The Russo‐Japanese war and British policy." Journal of Strategic Studies 12#1 (1989): 63-87. online
  33. Richard Ned Lebow, "Accidents and Crises: The Dogger Bank Affair." Naval War College Review 31 (1978): 66-75.
  34. Beryl J. Williams, "The Strategic Background to the Anglo-Russian Entente of August 1907." Historical Journal 9#3 (1966): 360-73. online.
  35. Cadra P. McDaniel, "Crossroads of Conflict: Central Asia and the European Continental Balance of Power." Historian 73#1 (2011): 41-64.
  36. Barbara Jelavich, St. Petersburg and Moscow: Tsarist And Soviet Foreign Policy, 1814-1974 (1974), pp 247-49, 254-56.
  37. Ewen W. Edwards, "The Far Eastern Agreements of 1907." Journal of Modern History 26.4 (1954): 340-355. Online
  38. Encyclopædia Britannica Inc. Anglo-Russian Entente
  39. Neilson, Britain and the last tsar: British policy and Russia, 1894-1917 (1995).
  40. Richard H. Ullman, Anglo-Soviet Relations, 1917-1921: Intervention and the War (1961).
  41. Robert Service (2000). Lenin: A Biography. p. 342. ISBN 9780330476331.
  42. Text in League of Nations Treaty Series, vol. 4, pp. 128–136.
  43. Christine A. White, British and American Commercial Relations with Soviet Russia, 1918-1924 (U of North Carolina Press, 1992).
  44. Christopher Andrew, "Defence of the Realm: The Authorized History of Mi5" (London, 2009), p. 155.
  45. For an account of the break in 1927, see Roger Schinness, "The Conservative Party and Anglo-Soviet Relations, 1925–27", European History Quarterly 7, 4 (1977): 393–407.
  46. Brian Bridges, "Red or Expert? The Anglo–Soviet Exchange of Ambassadors in 1929." Diplomacy & Statecraft 27.3 (2016): 437-452.
  47. Robert Manne, "Some British Light on the Nazi-Soviet Pact." European History Quarterly 11.1 (1981): 83-102.
  48. Francis Beckett, Enemy Within: The Rise And Fall of the British Communist Party (John Murray, 1995)
  49. Hill, Alexander (2007). "British Lend Lease Aid and the Soviet War Effort, June 1941-June 1942". The Journal of Military History. 71 (3): 773–808. doi:10.1353/jmh.2007.0206. JSTOR 30052890. S2CID 159715267.
  50. S. Monin, "'The Matter of Iran Came Off Well Indeed'" International Affairs: A Russian Journal of World Politics, Diplomacy & International Relations (2011) 57#5 pp 220-231
  51. William Hardy McNeill, America, Britain and Russia: Their Cooperation and Conflict 1941-1946 (1953) pp 197-200.
  52. John Lukacs, "The importance of being Winston." The National Interest 111 (2011): 35-45 online.
  53. Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches, 1897–1963 (1974) vol 7 p 7069
  54. Martin Folly, "'A Long, Slow and Painful Road': The Anglo-American Alliance and the Issue of Co-operation with the USSR from Teheran to D-Day." Diplomacy & Statecraft 23#3 (2012): 471-492.
  55. Albert Resis, "The Churchill-Stalin Secret "Percentages" Agreement on the Balkans, Moscow, October 1944," American Historical Review (1978) 83#2 pp. 368–387 in JSTOR
  56. Klaus Larres, A companion to Europe since 1945 (2009) p. 9
  57. "Mood for a fight in UK-Russia row". BBC News. 14 January 2008. Retrieved 15 April 2016.
  58. "Russia expels four embassy staff". BBC News. 19 July 2007. Retrieved 15 April 2016.
  59. "Двусторонние отношения".
  60. Anglo-Russian relations 7 April 2008
  61. "BBC Media Player".
  62. "Russia's Bear bomber returns". BBC News. 10 September 2007. Retrieved 15 April 2016.
  63. "Russia to limit British Council". BBC News. 12 December 2007. Retrieved 15 April 2016.
  64. "Russia actions 'stain reputation'". BBC News. 17 January 2008. Retrieved 15 April 2016.
  65. "British Council wins Russia fight". BBC News. 17 October 2008. Retrieved 2 May 2010.
  66. "Miliband in Georgia support vow". BBC News. 19 August 2008. Retrieved 24 August 2008.
  67. Kendall, Bridget (3 November 2009). "'Respectful disagreement' in Moscow". BBC News. Retrieved 2 May 2010.
  68. "UK suspends Military and Defense Ties with Russia over Crimea Annexure". IANS. news.biharprabha.com. Retrieved 19 March 2014.
  69. "Ukraine crisis: Russia and sanctions" BBC News 13 Sept. 2014
  70. Cameron, David; Obama, Barack (4 September 2014). "We will not be cowed by barbaric killers". The Times.
  71. Croft, Adrian; MacLellan, Kylie (4 September 2014). "NATO shakes up Russia strategy over Ukraine crisis". Reuters.
  72. Rosenberg, Steve (26 June 2016). "EU referendum: What does Russia gain from Brexit?". BBC. Retrieved 15 December 2019.
  73. https://www.itv.com/news/2020-07-21/russia-poses-an-all-encompassing-security-threat-report-reveals
  74. https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2019/nov/04/no-10-blocks-russia-eu-referendum-report-until-after-election
  75. Smith, David (27 January 2017). "Trump and May appear at odds over Russia sanctions at White House visit". The Guardian.
  76. PM speech to the Lord Mayor's Banquet 2017 gov.uk, 13 November 2017.
  77. Theresa May accuses Vladimir Putin of election meddling BBC, 14 November 2017.
  78. Russian politicians dismiss PM's 'election meddling' claims BBC, 14 November 2017.
  79. ереза Мэй пытается спасти Британию, вызывая дух Путина RIA Novosti, 15 November 2017.
  80. Леонид Ивашов. Фултонская речь Терезы Мэй interview of Gen Leonid Ivashov.
  81. This is How Grown-Ups Deal With Putin The New York Times, 14 November 2017 (print edition on 16 November 2017).
  82. "Johnson urges better Russia relations". BBC News. 22 December 2017. Retrieved 22 December 2017.
  83. EU leaders back Britain in blaming Russia over spy poisoning The Washington Post, 22 March 2018.
  84. Walker, Peter; Roth, Andrew (15 March 2018). "UK, US, Germany and France unite to condemn spy attack". The Guardian. London. Retrieved 15 March 2018.
  85. "Salisbury attack: Joint statement from the leaders of France, Germany, the United States and the United Kingdom". Government of the United Kingdom. 15 March 2018.
  86. European Council conclusions on the Salisbury attack European Council, 22 March 2018.
  87. Spy poisoning: Nato expels Russian diplomats BC, 27 March 2018.
  88. Putin's missteps over the Russian spy murder CNN, 27 March 2018.
  89. "Amesbury poisoning: Russia using UK as 'dumping ground'", BBC News, 1 July 2018
  90. "General Mark Carleton-Smith discusses Russia, AI, and developing capability". UK Defence Journal. 20 June 2018.
  91. "CGS Keynote Address 2018". Royal United Services Institute.
  92. "Russia is preparing for war, British military experts warn". Daily Mirror. 20 June 2018.
  93. "Russia poses greater threat to Britain than Isil, says new Army chief". The Daily Telegraph. 23 November 2018.
  94. "World leaders react to Boris Johnson's British election victory". Reuters. 13 December 2019.
  95. "Putin praises Boris Johnson's Brexit crusade". Yahoo News. 13 December 2019.
  96. Russian spies in UK ′at Cold War levels′, says MI5. The Guardian. 29 June 2010.
  97. "Russia's intelligence attack: The Anna Chapman danger" BBC News, 17 August 2010.
  98. Jonathan Powell comes clean over plot to spy on Russians The Independent, 19 January 2012.
  99. Британия признала, что использовала "шпионский камень" BBC, 19 January 2012.
  100. UK spied on Russians with fake rock BBC, 19 January 2012.
  101. Russian spies 'at Cold War level' BBC, 15 March 2007.

Further reading
  • Anderson, M. S. Britain's Discovery of Russia 1553–1815 (1958). online
  • Baring, Maurice. An Outline of Russian Literature (London, 1915), online
  • Chamberlain, Muriel E. Pax Britannica?: British Foreign Policy 1789–1914 (1989)
  • Clarke, Bob. Four Minute Warning: Britain's Cold War (2005)
  • Crawley, C. W. "Anglo-Russian Relations 1815-40" Cambridge Historical Journal (1929) 3#1 pp. 47-73 online
  • Cross, A. G. ed. The Russian Theme in English Literature from the Sixteenth Century to 1980: An Introductory Survey and a Bibliography (1985).
  • Cross, A. G. By the Banks of the Thames: Russians in 18th century Britain (Oriental Research Partners, 1980)
  • Dallin, David J. The Rise of Russia in Asia (1949) online
  • Figes, Orlando. The Crimean War: A History (2011) excerpt and text search
  • Fuller, William C. Strategy and Power in Russia 1600–1914 (1998)
  • Gleason, John Howes. The Genesis of Russophobia in Great Britain: A Study of the Interaction of Policy and Opinion (1950) online
  • Guymer, Laurence. "Meeting Hauteur with Tact, Imperturbability, and Resolution: British Diplomacy and Russia, 1856–1865," Diplomacy & Statecraft 29:3 (2018), 390–412, DOI:10.1080/09592296.2018.1491443
  • Hamlin, Cyrus. "The Political Duel Between Nicholas, the Czar of Russia, and Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, the Great English Ambassador." Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society Vol. 9. (1893) online.
  • Horn, David Bayne. Great Britain and Europe in the eighteenth century (1967), covers 1603 to 1702; pp 201–36.
  • Ingram, Edward. "Great Britain and Russia," pp 269–305 in William R. Thompson, ed. Great power rivalries (1999) online
  • Jelavich, Barbara. St. Petersburg and Moscow: Tsarist and Soviet foreign policy, 1814–1974 (1974) online
  • Klimova, Svetlana. "'A Gaul Who Has Chosen Impeccable Russian as His Medium': Ivan Bunin and the British Myth of Russia in the Early 20th Century." in A People Passing Rude: British Responses to Russian Culture (2012): 215-230 online.
  • Macmillan, Margaret. The War That Ended Peace: The Road to 1914 (2013) cover 1890s to 1914; see esp. ch 2, 5, 6, 7.
  • Meyendorff, A. F. (November 1946). "Anglo-Russian trade in the 16th century". The Slavonic and East European Review. 25 (64).
  • Middleton, K.W.B. Britain and Russia: An Historical essay (1947) Narrative history 1558 to 1945 online
  • Morgan, Gerald, and Geoffrey Wheeler. Anglo-Russian Rivalry in Central Asia, 1810–1895 (1981)
  • Neilson, Keith. Britain and the Last Tsar: British Policy and Russia, 1894–1917 (1995) online
  • Nish, Ian. "Politics, Trade and Communications in East Asia: Thoughts on Anglo-Russian Relations, 1861–1907." Modern Asian Studies 21.4 (1987): 667–678. Online
  • Pares, Bernard. "The Objectives of Russian Study in Britain." The Slavonic Review (1922) 1#1: 59-72 online.
  • Sergeev, Evgeny. The Great Game, 1856–1907: Russo-British Relations in Central and East Asia (Johns Hopkins UP, 2013).
  • Szamuely, Helen. "The Ambassadors" History Today (2013) 63#4 pp 38-44. Examines the Russian diplomats serving in London, 1600 to 1800. Permanent embassies were established in London and Moscow in 1707.
  • Thornton, A.P. "Afghanistan in Anglo-Russian Diplomacy, 1869-1873" Cambridge Historical Journal (1954) 11#2 pp. 204-218 online.
  • Williams, Beryl J. "The Strategic Background to the Anglo-Russian Entente of August 1907." Historical Journal 9#3 (1966): 360–373.

UK-USSR

  • Bartlett, C. J. British Foreign Policy in the Twentieth Century (1989)
  • Bell, P. M. H. John Bull and the Bear: British Public Opinion, Foreign Policy and the Soviet Union 1941–45 (1990). online free to borrow
  • Beitzell, Robert. The uneasy alliance; America, Britain, and Russia, 1941-1943 (1972) online
  • Bevins, Richard, and Gregory Quinn. ‘Blowing Hot and Cold: Anglo-Soviet Relations’, in British Foreign Policy, 1955-64: Contracting Options, eds. Wolfram Kaiser and Gilliam Staerck, (St Martin’s Press, 2000) pp 209–39.
  • Bridges, Brian. "Red or Expert? The Anglo–Soviet Exchange of Ambassadors in 1929." Diplomacy & Statecraft 27.3 (2016): 437–452. doi:10.1080/09592296.2016.1196065
  • Carlton, David. Churchill and the Soviet Union (Manchester UP, 2000).
  • Deighton, Anne. "Britain and the Cold War, 1945–1955", in The Cambridge History of the Cold War, eds. Mervyn P. Leffler and Odd Arne Westad, (Cambridge UP, 2010) Vol. 1. pp 112–32.
  • Deighton Anne. "The 'Frozen Front': The Labour Government, the Division of Germany and the Origins of the Cold War, 1945–1947," International Affairs 65, 1987: 449–465. in JSTOR
  • Deighton, Anne. The Impossible Peace: Britain, the Division of Germany and the Origins of the Cold War (1990)
  • Feis, Herbert. Churchill Roosevelt Stalin The War They Waged and the Peace They Sought A Diplomatic History of World War II (1957) online free to borrow
  • Gorodetsky, Gabriel, ed. Soviet Foreign Policy, 1917–1991: A Retrospective (2014).
  • Hennessy, Peter. The Secret State: Whitehall and the Cold War (Penguin, 2002).
  • Haslam, Jonathan. Russia's Cold War: From the October Revolution to the Fall of the Wall (Yale UP, 2011)
  • Hughes, Geraint. Harold Wilson’s Cold War: The Labour Government and East–West Politics, 1964–1970 (Boydell Press, 2009).
  • Jackson, Ian. The Economic Cold War: America, Britain and East–West Trade, 1948–63 (Palgrave, 2001).
  • Keeble, Curtis. Britain, the Soviet Union, and Russia (2nd ed. Macmillan, 2000).
  • Kulski, Wladyslaw W. (1959). Peaceful Coexistence: An Analysis of Soviet Foreign Policy. Chicago: Henry Regnery Company.
  • Lerner, Warren. "The Historical Origins of the Soviet Doctrine of Peaceful Coexistence." Law & Contemporary Problems 29 (1964): 865+ online.
  • Lipson, Leon. "Peaceful coexistence." Law and Contemporary Problems 29.4 (1964): 871–881. online
  • McNeill, William Hardy. America, Britain, & Russia: Their Co-Operation and Conflict, 1941–1946 (1953)
  • Marantz, Paul. "Prelude to détente: doctrinal change under Khrushchev." International Studies Quarterly 19.4 (1975): 501–528.
  • Miner, Steven Merritt. Between Churchill and Stalin: The Soviet Union, Great Britain, and the Origins of the Grand Alliance (1988) online
  • Neilson, Keith Britain, Soviet Russia and the Collapse of the Versailles Order, 1919–1939 (2006).
  • Newman, Kitty. Macmillan, Khrushchev and the Berlin Crisis, 1958–1960 (Routledge, 2007).
  • Pravda, Alex, and Peter J. S. Duncan, eds. Soviet British Relations since the 1970s (Cambridge UP, 1990).
  • Reynolds, David, et al. Allies at War: The Soviet, American, and British Experience, 1939–1945 (1994).
  • Sainsbury, Keith. Turning Point: Roosevelt, Stalin, Churchill & Chiang-Kai-Shek, 1943: The Moscow, Cairo & Tehran Conferences (1985) 373pp.
  • Samra, Chattar Singh. India and Anglo-Soviet Relations (1917-1947) (Asia Publishing House, 1959).
  • Shaw, Louise Grace. The British Political Elite and the Soviet Union, 1937–1939 (2003) online
  • Swann, Peter William. "British attitudes towards the Soviet Union, 1951-1956" (PhD. Diss. University of Glasgow, 1994) online
  • Ullman, Richard H. Anglo-Soviet Relations, 1917–1921 (3 vol 1972), highly detailed.
  • Густерин П. В. Советско-британские отношения между мировыми войнами. — Саарбрюккен: LAP LAMBERT Academic Publishing. 2014. ISBN 978-3-659-55735-4 .

Primary sources
  • Stalin's Correspondence With Churchill, Attlee, Roosevelt And Truman 1941-45 (1958) online
  • Maisky, Ivan. The Maisky Diaries: The Wartime Revelations of Stalin's Ambassador in London edited by Gabriel Gorodetsky, (Yale UP, 2016); highly revealing commentary 1932-43; abridged from 3 volume Yale edition; online review
  • Watt, D.C. (ed.) British Documents on Foreign Affairs, Part II, Series A: The Soviet Union, 1917–1939 vol. XV (University Publications of America, 1986).
  • Wiener, Joel H. ed. Great Britain: Foreign Policy and the Span of Empire, 1689–1971: A Documentary History (4 vol 1972)
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