Maoism

Maoism, or Mao Zedong Thought (Chinese: 毛泽东思想; pinyin: Máo Zédōng sīxiǎng), is a variety of Marxism–Leninism that Mao Zedong developed for realising a socialist revolution in the agricultural, pre-industrial society of the Republic of China and later the People's Republic of China. The philosophical difference between Maoism and Marxism–Leninism is that the peasantry are the revolutionary vanguard in pre-industrial societies rather than the proletariat. This updating and adaptation of Marxism–Leninism to Chinese conditions in which revolutionary praxis is primary and ideological orthodoxy is secondary represents urban Marxism–Leninism adapted to pre-industrial China. The claim that Mao Zedong had adapted Marxism–Leninism to Chinese conditions evolved into the idea that he had updated it in a fundamental way applying to the world as a whole.[1][2][3][4][5][6]

Maoism
Simplified Chinese	毛泽东思想
Traditional Chinese	毛澤東思想
Transcriptions Standard Mandarin Hanyu Pinyin Máo Zédōng sīxiǎng Wade–Giles Mao^2 Tse^2-tung^1 ssŭ^1-hsiang^3 IPA [mǎu tsɤ̌.tʊ́ŋ sɨ́.ɕjàŋ]

From the 1950s until the Chinese economic reforms of Deng Xiaoping in the late 1970s, Maoism was the political and military ideology of the Communist Party of China and of Maoist revolutionary movements throughout the world.[7] After the Sino-Soviet split of the 1960s, the Communist Party of China and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union each claimed to be the sole heir and successor to Joseph Stalin concerning the correct interpretation of Marxism–Leninism and ideological leader of world communism.[1]

In the late 1970s, the Peruvian terrorist group Shining Path developed and synthesized Maoism into Marxism–Leninism–Maoism, a contemporary variety of Marxism–Leninism that is a supposed higher level of Marxism–Leninism that can be applied universally.[8]

Origins

Modern Chinese intellectual tradition

At the turn of the 20th century, the contemporary Chinese intellectual tradition was defined by two central concepts: (i) iconoclasm and (ii) nationalism.[9]

Iconoclastic revolution and anti-Confucianism

By the turn of the 20th century, a proportionately small yet socially significant cross-section of China's traditional elite (i.e. landlords and bureaucrats) found themselves increasingly skeptical of the efficacy and even the moral validity of Confucianism.[10] These skeptical iconoclasts formed a new segment of Chinese society, a modern intelligentsia whose arrival—or as historian of China Maurice Meisner would label it, their defection—heralded the beginning of the destruction of the gentry as a social class in China.[11]

The fall of the last imperial Chinese dynasty in 1911 marked the final failure of the Confucian moral order and it did much to make Confucianism synonymous with political and social conservatism in the minds of Chinese intellectuals. It was this association of conservatism and Confucianism which lent to the iconoclastic nature of Chinese intellectual thought during the first decades of the 20th century.[12]

Chinese iconoclasm was expressed most clearly and vociferously by Chen Duxiu during the New Culture Movement which occurred between 1915 and 1919.[12] Proposing the "total destruction of the traditions and values of the past", the New Culture Movement was spearheaded by the New Youth, a periodical which was published by Chen Duxiu and was profoundly influential on the young Mao Zedong, whose first published work appeared on the magazine's pages.[12]

Nationalism and the appeal of Marxism

Along with iconoclasm, radical anti-imperialism dominated the Chinese intellectual tradition and slowly evolved into a fierce nationalist fervor which influenced Mao's philosophy immensely and was crucial in adapting Marxism to the Chinese model.[13] Vital to understanding Chinese nationalist sentiments of the time is the Treaty of Versailles, which was signed in 1919. The Treaty aroused a wave of bitter nationalist resentment in Chinese intellectuals as lands formerly ceded to Germany in Shandong were—without consultation with the Chinese—transferred to Japanese control rather than returned to Chinese sovereignty.[14]

The negative reaction culminated in the 4 May Incident in 1919 during which a protest began with 3,000 students in Beijing displaying their anger at the announcement of the Versailles Treaty's concessions to Japan. The protest took a violent turn as protesters began attacking the homes and offices of ministers who were seen as cooperating with, or being in the direct pay of, the Japanese.[14] The 4 May Incident and Movement which followed "catalyzed the political awakening of a society which had long seemed inert and dormant".[14]

Another international event would have a large impact not only on Mao, but also on the Chinese intelligentsia. The Russian Revolution elicited great interest among Chinese intellectuals, although socialist revolution in China was not considered a viable option until after the May 4 Incident.[15] Afterwards, "[t]o become a Marxist was one way for a Chinese intellectual to reject both the traditions of the Chinese past and Western domination of the Chinese present".[15]

Yan'an period between November 1935 and March 1947

During the period immediately following the Long March, Mao and the Communist Party of China (CPC) were headquartered in Yan'an, which is a prefecture-level city in Shaanxi province. During this period, Mao clearly established himself as a Marxist theoretician and he produced the bulk of the works which would later be canonized into the "thought of Mao Zedong".[16] The rudimentary philosophical base of Chinese Communist ideology is laid down in Mao's numerous dialectical treatises and it was conveyed to newly recruited party members. This period truly established ideological independence from Moscow for Mao and the CPC.[16]

Although the Yan'an period did answer some of the questions, both ideological and theoretical, which were raised by the Chinese Communist Revolution, it left many of the crucial questions unresolved, including how the Communist Party of China was supposed to launch a socialist revolution while completely separated from the urban sphere.[16]

Mao Zedong's intellectual development

Strategic Issues of Anti-Japanese Guerrilla War (1938)

Mao's intellectual development can be divided into five major periods, namely (1) the initial Marxist period from 1920 to 1926; (2) the formative Maoist period from 1927 to 1935; (3) the mature Maoist period from 1935 to 1940; (4) the Civil-War period from 1940 to 1949; and (5) the post-1949 period following the revolutionary victory.

Initial Marxist period (1920–1926)

Marxist thinking employs imminent socioeconomic explanations and Mao's reasons were declarations of his enthusiasm. Mao did not believe that education alone would bring about the transition from capitalism to communism because of three main reasons. (1) Psychologically, the capitalists would not repent and turn towards communism on their own; (2) the rulers must be overthrown by the people; (3) "the proletarians are discontented, and a demand for communism has arisen and had already become a fact".[17] These reasons do not provide socioeconomic explanations, which usually form the core of Marxist ideology.

Formative Maoist period (1927–1935)

In this period, Mao avoided all theoretical implications in his literature and employed a minimum of Marxist category thought. His writings in this period failed to elaborate what he meant by the "Marxist method of political and class analysis".[18] Prior to this period, Mao was concerned with the dichotomy between knowledge and action. He was more concerned with the dichotomy between revolutionary ideology and counter-revolutionary objective conditions. There was more correlation drawn between China and the Soviet model.

Mature Maoist period (1935–1940)

Intellectually, this was Mao's most fruitful time. The shift of orientation was apparent in his pamphlet Strategic Problems of China's Revolutionary War (December 1936). This pamphlet tried to provide a theoretical veneer for his concern with revolutionary practice.[19] Mao started to separate from the Soviet model since it was not automatically applicable to China. China's unique set of historical circumstances demanded a correspondingly unique application of Marxist theory, an application that would have to diverge from the Soviet approach.

Strategic Issues in the Chinese Revolutionary War (1947)

Civil War period (1940–1949)

Unlike the Mature period, this period was intellectually barren. Mao focused more on revolutionary practice and paid less attention to Marxist theory. He continued to emphasize theory as practice-oriented knowledge.[20] The biggest topic of theory he delved into was in connection with the Cheng Feng movement of 1942. It was here that Mao summarized the correlation between Marxist theory and Chinese practice: "The target is the Chinese revolution, the arrow is Marxism–Leninism. We Chinese communists seek this arrow for no other purpose than to hit the target of the Chinese revolution and the revolution of the east".[20] The only new emphasis was Mao's concern with two types of subjectivist deviation: (1) dogmatism, the excessive reliance upon abstract theory; (2) empiricism, excessive dependence on experience.

Post-Civil War period (1949–1976)

The victory of 1949 was to Mao a confirmation of theory and practice. "Optimism is the keynote to Mao's intellectual orientation in the post-1949 period".[21] Mao assertively revised theory to relate it to the new practice of socialist construction. These revisions are apparent in the 1951 version of On Contradiction. "In the 1930s, when Mao talked about contradiction, he meant the contradiction between subjective thought and objective reality. In Dialectal Materialism of 1940, he saw idealism and materialism as two possible correlations between subjective thought and objective reality. In the 1940s, he introduced no new elements into his understanding of the subject-object contradiction. In the 1951 version of On Contradiction, he saw contradiction as a universal principle underlying all processes of development, yet with each contradiction possessed of its own particularity".[22]

Differences from Marxism

Maoism and Marxism differ in the ways in which the proletariat are defined, and in which political and economic conditions would start a communist revolution.

1. For Karl Marx, the proletariat were the urban working class, which was determined in the revolution by which the bourgeoisie overthrew feudalism.[23] For Mao Zedong, the proletariat were the millions of peasants, he referred to as the popular masses. Mao based his revolution upon the peasantry. They possessed, according to him, two qualities: (i) they were poor and (ii) they were a political blank slate; in Mao's words, "[a] clean sheet of paper has no blotches, and so the newest and most beautiful words can be written on it".[24]
2. For Marx, the proletarian revolution was internally fueled by the capitalist mode of production; that as capitalism developed, "a tension arises between the productive forces and the mode of production".[25] The political tension between the productive forces (the workers) and the owners of the means of production (the capitalists) would be an inevitable incentive to proletarian revolution which would result in a communist society. Mao did not subscribe to Marx's theory of inevitable cyclicality in the economic system. His goal was to unify the Chinese nation and so realize progressive change for China in the form of communism; hence, revolution was needed at once. In The Great Union of the Popular Masses (1919), Mao wrote, that "[t]he decadence of the state, the sufferings of humanity, and the darkness of society have all reached an extreme".[26]

Components

New Democracy

The theory of the New Democracy was known to the Chinese revolutionaries from the late 1940s. This thesis held that for the majority of the people of the planet, the long road to socialism could only be opened by a "national, popular, democratic, anti-feudal and anti-imperialist revolution, run by the communists".[27]

People's war

Holding that "political power grows out of the barrel of a gun",[28] Maoism emphasizes the "revolutionary struggle of the vast majority of people against the exploiting classes and their state structures", which Mao termed a "people's war". Mobilizing large parts of rural populations to revolt against established institutions by engaging in guerrilla warfare, Maoist Thought focuses on "surrounding the cities from the countryside".

Maoism views the industrial-rural divide as a major division exploited by capitalism, identifying capitalism as involving industrial urban developed First World societies ruling over rural developing Third World societies.[29] Maoism identifies peasant insurgencies in particular national contexts were part of a context of world revolution, in which Maoism views the global countryside would overwhelm the global cities.[30] Due to this imperialism by the capitalist urban First World towards the rural Third World, Maoism has endorsed national liberation movements in the Third World.[30]

Mass line

Contrary to the Leninist vanguard model employed by the Bolsheviks, the theory of the mass line holds that party must not be separate from the popular masses, either in policy or in revolutionary struggle. To conduct a successful revolution the needs and demands of the masses must be told to the party so that the party can interpret them with a Marxist view.

Cultural Revolution

The theory of the Cultural Revolution states that the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat does not wipe out bourgeois ideology—the class-struggle continues and even intensifies during socialism, therefore a constant struggle against these ideologies and their social roots must be conducted. Cultural Revolution is directed also against traditionalism.

Contradiction

Mao drew from the writings of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, and Vladimir Lenin, in elaborating his theory. Philosophically, his most important reflections emerge on the concept of "contradiction" (maodun). In two major essays, On Contradiction and On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People, he adopts the positivist-empiricist idea (shared by Engels) that contradiction is present in matter itself and thus also in the ideas of the brain. Matter always develops through a dialectical contradiction: "The interdependence of the contradictory aspects present in all things and the struggle between these aspects determine the life of things and push their development forward. There is nothing that does not contain contradiction; without contradiction nothing would exist".[31]

Mao held that contradictions were the most important feature of society and since society is dominated by a wide range of contradictions, this calls for a wide range of varying strategies. Revolution is necessary to fully resolve antagonistic contradictions such as those between labour and capital. Contradictions arising within the revolutionary movement call for ideological correction to prevent them from becoming antagonistic. Furthermore, each contradiction (including class struggle, the contradiction holding between relations of production and the concrete development of forces of production) expresses itself in a series of other contradictions, some dominant, others not. "There are many contradictions in the process of development of a complex thing, and one of them is necessarily the principal contradiction whose existence and development determine or influence the existence and development of the other contradictions".[32]

The principal contradiction should be tackled with priority when trying to make the basic contradiction "solidify". Mao elaborates further on this theme in the essay On Practice, "on the relation between knowledge and practice, between knowing and doing". Here, Practice connects "contradiction" with "class struggle" in the following way, claiming that inside a mode of production there are three realms where practice functions: economic production, scientific experimentation (which also takes place in economic production and should not be radically disconnected from the former) and finally class struggle. These may be considered the proper objects of economy, scientific knowledge and politics.[33]

These three spheres deal with matter in its various forms, socially mediated. As a result, they are the only realms where knowledge may arise (since truth and knowledge only make sense in relation to matter, according to Marxist epistemology). Mao emphasizes—like Marx in trying to confront the "bourgeois idealism" of his time—that knowledge must be based on empirical evidence. Knowledge results from hypotheses verified in the contrast with a real object; this real object, despite being mediated by the subject's theoretical frame, retains its materiality and will offer resistance to those ideas that do not conform to its truth. Thus in each of these realms (economic, scientific and political practice), contradictions (principle and secondary) must be identified, explored and put to function to achieve the communist goal. This involves the need to know, "scientifically", how the masses produce (how they live, think and work), to obtain knowledge of how class struggle (the main contradiction that articulates a mode of production, in its various realms) expresses itself.

Maoism is described as being Marxism–Leninism adapted to Chinese conditions whereas its variant Marxism–Leninism–Maoism is considered universally applicable

Three Worlds Theory

Three Worlds Theory states that during the Cold War two imperialist states formed the "first world"—the United States and the Soviet Union. The second world consisted of the other imperialist states in their spheres of influence. The third world consisted of the non-imperialist countries. Both the first and the second world exploit the third world, but the first world is the most aggressive party. The workers in the first and second world are "bought up" by imperialism, preventing socialist revolution. On the other hand, the people of the third world have not even a short-sighted interest in the prevailing circumstances, hence revolution is most likely to appear in third world countries, which again will weaken imperialism opening up for revolutions in other countries too.[34]

Agrarian socialism

Maoism departs from conventional European-inspired Marxism in that its focus is on the agrarian countryside, rather than the industrial urban forces—this is known as agrarian socialism. Notably, Maoist parties in Peru, Nepal, and the Philippines have adopted equal stresses on urban and rural areas, depending on the country's focus of economic activity. Maoism broke with the framework of the Soviet Union under Nikita Khrushchev, dismissing it as "state capitalist" and "revisionist", a pejorative term among communists referring to those who fight for capitalism in the name of socialism and who depart from historical and dialectical materialism.

Although Maoism is critical of urban industrial capitalist powers, it views urban industrialization as a prerequisite to expand economic development and socialist reorganization to the countryside, with the goal being the achievement of rural industrialization that would abolish the distinction between town and countryside.[35]

In China

In its post-revolutionary period, Mao Zedong Thought is defined in the CPC's Constitution as "Marxism–Leninism applied in a Chinese context", synthesized by Mao and China's "first-generation leaders". It asserts that class struggle continues even if the proletariat has already overthrown the bourgeoisie and there are capitalist restorationist elements within the Communist Party itself. Maoism provided the CPC's first comprehensive theoretical guideline with regards to how to continue socialist revolution, the creation of a socialist society, socialist military construction and highlights various contradictions in society to be addressed by what is termed "socialist construction". While it continues to be lauded to be the major force that defeated "imperialism and feudalism" and created a "New China" by the Communist Party of China, the ideology survives only in name on the Communist Party's Constitution as Deng Xiaoping abolished most Maoist practices in 1978, advancing a guiding ideology called "socialism with Chinese characteristics".[36]

After Mao Zedong's death

China

Mao Zedong

Deng Xiaoping

Shortly after Mao's death in 1976, Deng Xiaoping initiated socialist market reforms in 1978, thereby beginning the radical change in Mao's ideology in the People's Republic of China (PRC).[37] Although Mao Zedong Thought nominally remains the state ideology, Deng's admonition to "seek truth from facts" means that state policies are judged on their practical consequences and in many areas the role of ideology in determining policy has thus been considerably reduced. Deng also separated Mao from Maoism, making it clear that Mao was fallible and hence the truth of Maoism comes from observing social consequences rather than by using Mao's quotations as holy writ, as was done in Mao's lifetime.[38]

Contemporary Maoists in China criticize the social inequalities created by the revisionist Communist Party. Some Maoists say that Deng's Reform and Opening economic policies that introduced market principles spelled the end of Maoism in China, although Deng himself asserted that his reforms were upholding Mao Zedong Thought in accelerating the output of the country's productive forces.

In addition, the party constitution has been rewritten to give the socialist ideas of Deng prominence over those of Mao. One consequence of this is that groups outside China which describe themselves as Maoist generally regard China as having repudiated Maoism and restoring capitalism and there is a wide perception both inside and outside China that China has abandoned Maoism. However, while it is now permissible to question particular actions of Mao and talk about excesses taken in the name of Maoism, there is a prohibition in China on either publicly questioning the validity of Maoism or on questioning whether the current actions of the CPC are "Maoist".

Although Mao Zedong Thought is still listed as one of the Four Cardinal Principles of the People's Republic of China, its historical role has been re-assessed. The Communist Party now says that Maoism was necessary to break China free from its feudal past, but it also says that the actions of Mao are seen to have led to excesses during the Cultural Revolution.[39]

The official view is that China has now reached an economic and political stage, known as the primary stage of socialism, in which China faces new and different problems completely unforeseen by Mao and as such the solutions that Mao advocated are no longer relevant to China's current conditions. The official proclamation of the new CPC stance came in June 1981, when the Sixth Plenum of the Eleventh National Party Congress Central Committee took place. The 35,000-word Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the People's Republic of China reads:

Chief responsibility for the grave 'Left' error of the 'cultural revolution,' an error comprehensive in magnitude and protracted in duration, does indeed lie with Comrade Mao Zedong [...] [and] far from making a correct analysis of many problems, he confused right and wrong and the people with the enemy [...] herein lies his tragedy.[40]

Scholars outside China see this re-working of the definition of Maoism as providing an ideological justification for what they see as the restoration of the essentials of capitalism in China by Deng and his successors, who sought to "eradicate all ideological and physiological obstacles to economic reform".[41] In 1978, this led to the Sino-Albanian split when Albanian leader Enver Hoxha denounced Deng as a revisionist and formed Hoxhaism as an anti-revisionist form of Marxism.

Mao himself is officially regarded by the CPC as a "great revolutionary leader" for his role in fighting against the Japanese fascist invasion during the Second World War and creating the People's Republic of China, but Maoism as implemented between 1959 and 1976 is regarded by today's CPC as an economic and political disaster. In Deng's day, support of radical Maoism was regarded as a form of "left deviationism" and being based on a cult of personality, although these "errors" are officially attributed to the Gang of Four rather than being attributed to Mao himself.[42] Thousands of Maoists were arrested in the Hua Guofeng period after 1976. The prominent Maoists Zhang Chunqiao and Jiang Qing were sentenced to death with a two-year-reprieve while some others were sentenced to life imprisonment or imprisonment for 15 years.

Internationally

Maoist leader Prachanda speaking at a rally in Pokhara, Nepal

After the death of Mao in 1976 and the resulting power-struggles in China that followed, the international Maoist movement was divided into three camps. One group, composed of various ideologically nonaligned groups, gave weak support to the new Chinese leadership under Deng Xiaoping. Another camp denounced the new leadership as traitors to the cause of Marxism–Leninism–Mao Zedong Thought. The third camp sided with the Albanians in denouncing the Three Worlds Theory of the CPC (see the Sino-Albanian split).

The pro-Albanian camp would start to function as an international group as well[43] (led by Enver Hoxha and the APL) and was also able to amalgamate many of the communist groups in Latin America, including the Communist Party of Brazil.[44] Later, Latin American Communists such as Peru's Shining Path also embraced the tenets of Maoism.[45]

The new Chinese leadership showed little interest in the various foreign groups supporting Mao's China. Many of the foreign parties that were fraternal parties aligned with the Chinese government before 1975 either disbanded, abandoned the new Chinese government entirely, or even renounced Marxism–Leninism and developed into non-communist, social democratic parties. What is today called the international Maoist movement evolved out of the second camp—the parties that opposed Deng and said they upheld the true legacy of Mao.

International influence

The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) in February 2013

From 1962 onwards, the challenge to the Soviet hegemony in the world communist movement made by the CPC resulted in various divisions in communist parties around the world. At an early stage, the Albanian Party of Labour sided with the CPC.[46] So did many of the mainstream (non-splinter group) Communist parties in South-East Asia, like the Burmese Communist Party, Communist Party of Thailand and Communist Party of Indonesia. Some Asian parties, like the Workers Party of Vietnam and the Workers' Party of Korea attempted to take a middle-ground position.

The Khmer Rouge of Cambodia is said to have been a replica of the Maoist regime. According to the BBC, the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK) in Cambodia, better known as the Khmer Rouge, identified strongly with Maoism and it is generally labeled a Maoist movement today.[47][48] However, Maoists and Marxists generally contend that the CPK strongly deviated from Marxist doctrine and the few references to Maoist China in CPK propaganda were critical of the Chinese.[49]

Various efforts have sought to regroup the international communist movement under Maoism since the time of Mao's death in 1976. In the West and Third World, a plethora of parties and organizations were formed that upheld links to the CPC. Often they took names such as Communist Party (Marxist–Leninist) or Revolutionary Communist Party to distinguish themselves from the traditional pro-Soviet communist parties. The pro-CPC movements were in many cases based among the wave of student radicalism that engulfed the world in the 1960s and 1970s.

Only one Western classic communist party sided with the CPC, the Communist Party of New Zealand. Under the leadership of the CPC and Mao Zedong, a parallel international communist movement emerged to rival that of the Soviets, although it was never as formalized and homogeneous as the pro-Soviet tendency.

Another effort at regrouping the international communist movement is the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO). Three notable parties that participate in the ICMLPO are the Marxist–Leninist Party of Germany (MLPD), the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and Marxist–Leninist Communist Organization – Proletarian Way. The ICMLPO seeks to unify around Marxism-Leninism, not Maoism. However, some of the parties and organizations within the ICMLPO identify as Mao Zedong Thought or Maoist.

Afghanistan

The Progressive Youth Organization was a Maoist organization in Afghanistan. It was founded in 1965 with Akram Yari as its first leader, advocating the overthrow of the then-current order by means of people's war.

The Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan was founded in 2004 through the merger of five MLM parties.[50]

Australia

The Communist Party of Australia (Marxist-Leninist) is a Maoist organisation in Australia. It was founded in 1964 as a pro-Mao split from the Australian Communist Party.[51]

Bangladesh

The Purba Banglar Sarbahara Party is a Maoist party in Bangladesh. It was founded in 1968 with Siraj Sikder as its first leader. The party played a role in the Bangladesh Liberation War.

Belgium

The Sino-Soviet split had an important influence on communism in Belgium. The pro-Soviet Communist Party of Belgium experienced a split of a Maoist wing under Jacques Grippa. The latter was a lower-ranking CPB member before the split, but Grippa rose in prominence as he formed a worthy internal Maoist opponent to the CPB leadership. His followers where sometimes referred to as Grippisten or Grippistes. When it became clear that the differences between the pro-Moscow leadership and the pro-Beijing wing were too great, Grippa and his entourage decided to split from the CPB and formed the Communist Party of Belgium – Marxist–Leninist (PCBML). The PCBML had some influence, mostly in the heavily industrialized Borinage region of Wallonia, but never managed to gather more support than the CPB. The latter held most of its leadership and base within the pro-Soviet camp. However, the PCBML was the first European Maoist party, and was recognized at the time of its foundation as the largest and most important Maoist organization in Europe outside of Albania.[52][53]

Although the PCBML never really gained a foothold in Flanders, there was a reasonably successful Maoist movement in this region. Out of the student unions that formed in the wake of the May 1968 protests, Alle Macht Aan De Arbeiders (AMADA) or All Power To The Workers, was formed as a vanguard party-under-construction. This Maoist group originated mostly out of students from the universities of Leuven and Ghent, but did manage to gain some influence among the striking miners during the shut-downs of the Belgian stonecoal mines in the late 1960s and early 1970s. This group became the Workers' Party of Belgium (PVDA-PTB) in 1979 and still exists today, although its power base has shifted somewhat from Flanders towards Wallonia. The WPB stayed loyal to the teachings of Mao for a long time, but after a general congress held in 2008 the party formally broke with its Maoist/Stalinist past.[54]

Ecuador

The Communist Party of Ecuador – Red Sun, also known as Puka Inti, is a small Maoist guerrilla organization in Ecuador.

India

The Communist Party of India (Maoist) is the leading Maoist organisation in India. Two major political groupings owing allegiance to Mao's ideas, namely the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) People's War and the Maoist Communist Centre of India (MCCI), merged on 21 September 2004 to form the Communist Party of India (Maoist). The CPI (Maoist) is designated as a terrorist organisation in India under Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act.[55]

Iran

The Union of Iranian Communists (Sarbedaran) was an Iran Maoist organization. The UIC (S) was formed in 1976 after the alliance of a number of Maoist groups carrying out military actions within Iran. In 1982, the UIC (S) mobilized forces in forests around Amol and launched an insurgency against the Islamist Government. The uprising was eventually a failure and many UIC (S) leaders were shot. The party dissolved in 1982[56]

Following the disillusion of the Union of Iranian Communists, the Communist Party of Iran (Marxist–Leninist–Maoist) was formed in 2001. The party is continuation of Sarbedaran Movement and the Union of Iranian Communists (Sarbedaran). CPI (MLM) believes that Iran is a 'semifeudal-semicolonial' country and is trying to launch 'People's war' in Iran.

Palestine

The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine is a Maoist political and military organization. The DFLP's original political orientation was based on the view that Palestinian national goals could be achieved only through revolution of the masses and people's war.

Philippines

The Communist Party of the Philippines is the largest communist party in the Philippines, active since December 26, 1968 (Mao's birthday). It was formed as a result of the First Great Rectification Movement and a split between the old Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas-1930 which the founders saw as revisionist. The CPP was formed on Maoist lines in stark contrast with the old PKP which put primary focus to the parliamentary struggle. The CPP was founded by Jose Maria Sison and other cadres from the old party.[57]

The CPP also has an armed wing which it exercises absolute control over, namely the New People's Army. It currently wages a guerrilla war against the government of the Republic of the Philippines in the countryside and is still currently active. Both the CPP and the NPA are part of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines, a consolidation of Maoist sectoral organizations such as Kabataang Makabayan as part of the united front strategy. The NDFP also represents the people's democratic government in peace talks.[58]

Portugal

The flag of FP-25

Maoist movements in Portugal were very active during the 1970s, especially during the Carnation Revolution that led to the fall of the fascist government the Estado Novo in 1974.

The largest Maoist movement in Portugal was the Portuguese Workers' Communist Party. The party was among the most active resistance movements before the Portuguese democratic revolution of 1974, especially among students of Lisbon. After the revolution, the MRPP achieved fame for its large and highly artistic mural paintings.

Intensely active during 1974 and 1975, during that time the party had members that later came to be very important in national politics. For example, a future Prime Minister of Portugal, José Manuel Durão Barroso was active within Maoist movements in Portugal and identified as a Maoist. In the 1980s, the Forças Populares 25 de Abril was another far-left Maoist armed organization operating in Portugal between 1980 and 1987 with the goal of creating socialism in post-Carnation Revolution Portugal.

Spain

The Communist Party of Spain (Reconstituted) was a Spanish clandestine Maoist party. The armed wing of the party was First of October Anti-Fascist Resistance Groups.

Sweden

In 1968, a small extremist Maoist sect called Rebels (Swedish: Rebellerna) was established in Stockholm. Led by Francisco Sarrión, the group unsuccessfully demanded the Chinese embassy to admit them into the Communist Party of China. The organization only lasted a few months.[59]

Turkey

The Communist Party of Turkey/Marxist–Leninist (TKP/ML) is a Maoist organization in Turkey currently waging a people's war against the Turkish government. It was founded in 1972 as split from another illegal Maoist party, the Revolutionary Workers' and Peasants' Party of Turkey (TİİKP) that was founded by Doğu Perinçek in 1969, led by İbrahim Kaypakkaya. The armed wing of the party is named the Workers' and Peasants' Liberation Army in Turkey (TİKKO).

TİİKP is succeeded by the Patriotic Party that is a Kemalist, left-wing nationalist and Eurasianist party.

United States

Mao Zedong meets Richard Nixon on February 21, 1972, leading to a radical turn of events in which Nixon took steps to placate tensions between the People's Republic of China and the United States, beginning the slow process of reestablishing diplomatic relations between the two global powers[60]

After the tumultuous 1960s (particularly the events of 1968, such as the launch of the Tet Offensive, the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr., nation-wide university protests and the election of Richard Nixon), proponents of Maoist ideology constituted the "largest and most dynamic" branch of American socialism.[61][62] From this branch came a collection of "newspapers, journals, books, and pamphlets," each of which spoke on the unreformability of the American system and proclaimed the need for a concerted social revolution.[61] Among the many Maoist principles, the group of aspiring American revolutionaries sympathized with the idea of a protracted people's war, which would allow for citizens to martially address the oppressive nature of global capitalism.[63] Also during the 1960s, mounting discontent with racial oppression and socio-economic exploitation birthed the two largest, officially-organized Maoist groups: namely, the Revolutionary Communist Party and the October League.[64] But these were not the only groups: a slew of organizations and movements emerged across the globe as well, including I Wor Kuen, the Black Workers Congress, the Puerto Rican Revolutionary Workers Organization, the August Twenty-Ninth Movement, the Workers Viewpoint Organization, and many others—all of which overly supported Maoist doctrine.[61]

Orchestrated by The Guardian, in the spring of 1973, an attempt to conflate the strands of American Maoism was made with a series of sponsored forums, titled "What Road to Building a New Communist Party?" That spring the forums drew 1,200 attendants to a New York City auditorium.[65] The central message of the event revolved around "building an anti-revisionist, non-Trotskyist, non-anarchist party".[66] From this other forums were held worldwide, covering topics such as "The Role of the Anti-Imperialist Forces in the Antiwar Movement" and "The Question of the Black Nation"—each forum rallying, on average, an audience of 500 activists, and serving as a "barometer of the movement's strength."[65]

The Americans' burgeoning Maoist and Marxist–Leninist movements proved optimistic for a potential revolution, but "a lack of political development and rampant rightist and ultra-leftist opportunism" thwarted the advancement of the greater communist initiative.[65] In 1972, Richard Nixon made a landmark visit to the People's Republic of China to shake hands with Chairman Mao Zedong; this simple handshake marked the gradual pacification of Eastern–Western hostility and the re-formation of relations between "the most powerful and most populous" global powers: the United States and China.[67][68] Nearly a decade after the Sino-Soviet split, this newfound amiability between the two nations quieted American-based counter-capitalist rumblings and marked the steady decline of American Maoism, until its unofficial cessation in the early-1980s.[69]

The Black Panthers Party (BPP) was the last American-based, left-wing revolutionary party to oppose American global imperialism; it was a self-described Black militant organization with metropolitan chapters in Oakland, New York, Chicago, Seattle and Los Angeles, and an overt sympathizer with global anti-imperialistic movements (e.g. Vietnam's resistance of American neo-colonial efforts).[70][71][72][73] It was in 1971, a year before Nixon's monumental visit, that BPP leader Huey P. Newton landed in China, whereafter he was immediately enthralled with the mystical East and the achievements of China's communist revolution.[74] After his return to the United States, Newton said that "[e]verything I saw in China demonstrated that the People’s Republic is a free and liberated territory with a socialist government" and "[t]o see a classless society in operation is unforgettable".[75] He extolled the Chinese police force as one that "[served] the people" and considered the Chinese antithetical to American law enforcement which according to Newton represented "one huge armed group that was opposed to the will of the people".[75] In general, Newton's first encounter with anti-capitalist society commenced a psychological liberation and embedded within him the desire to subvert the American system in favor of what the BPP called "reactionary intercommunalism".[76] Furthermore, the BPP itself was founded on a similar politico-philosophical framework as that of Mao's CCP, that is, "the philosophical system of dialectical materialism" coupled with traditional Marxist theory.[74] The words of Mao himself, quoted liberally in BPP speeches and writings, served as a guiding light for the party's analysis and theoretical application of Marxist ideology.[77]

In his autobiography Revolutionary Suicide, published in 1973, Newton wrote:

Chairman Mao says that death comes to all of us, but it varies in its significance: to die for the reactionary is lighter than a feather; to die for the revolution is heavier than Mount Tai. [...] When I presented my solutions to the problems of Black people, or when I expressed my philosophy, people said, "Well, isn't that socialism?" Some of them were using the socialist label to put me down, but I figured that if this was socialism, then socialism must be a correct view. So I read more of the works of the socialists and began to see a strong similarity between my beliefs and theirs. My conversion was complete when I read the four volumes of Mao Tse-tung to learn more about the Chinese Revolution.[75]

Criticism and implementation

Despite falling out of favor within the Communist Party of China by 1978, Mao is still revered, with Deng's famous "70% right, 30% wrong" line

Maoism has fallen out of favour within the Communist Party of China, beginning with Deng Xiaoping's reforms in 1978. Deng believed that Maoism showed the dangers of "ultra-leftism", manifested in the harm perpetrated by the various mass movements that characterized the Maoist era. In Chinese communism, the term "left" can be taken as a euphemism for Maoist policies. However, Deng stated that the revolutionary side of Maoism should be considered separate from the governance side, leading to his famous epithet that Mao was "70% right, 30% wrong".[78] Chinese scholars generally agree that Deng's interpretation of Maoism preserves the legitimacy of Communist rule in China, but at the same time criticizes Mao's brand of economic and political governance.

Critic Graham Young says that Maoists see Joseph Stalin as the last true socialist leader of the Soviet Union, but allows that the Maoist assessments of Stalin vary between the extremely positive and the more ambivalent.[79] Some political philosophers, such as Martin Cohen, have seen in Maoism an attempt to combine Confucianism and socialism—what one such called "a third way between communism and capitalism".[80]

Enver Hoxha critiqued Maoism from a Marxist–Leninist perspective, arguing that New Democracy halts class struggle,[81] allows unrestricted capitalist exploitation,[82] the theory of the three worlds is "counter-revolutionary"[83] and questioned Mao's guerilla warfare methods.[84]

Some say Mao departed from Leninism not only in his near-total lack of interest in the urban working class, but also in his concept of the nature and role of the party. For Lenin, the party was sacrosanct because it was the incarnation of the "proletarian consciousness" and there was no question about who were the teachers and who were the pupils. On the other hand, for Mao this question would always be virtually impossible to answer.[85]

The implementation of Maoist thought in China was arguably responsible for as many as 70 million deaths during peacetime,[86][87] with the Cultural Revolution, Anti-Rightist Campaign of 1957–1958[88] and the Great Leap Forward. Some historians have argued that because of Mao's land reforms during the Great Leap Forward which resulted in famines, thirty million perished between 1958 and 1961. By the end of 1961, the birth rate was nearly cut in half because of malnutrition.[89] Active campaigns, including party purges and "reeducation" resulted in imprisonment and/or the execution of those deemed contrary to the implementation of Maoist ideals.[90] The incidents of destruction of cultural heritage, religion and art remain controversial. Some Western scholars saw Maoism specifically engaged in a battle to dominate and subdue nature and was a catastrophe for the environment.[91]

Populism

Mao also believed strongly in the concept of a unified people. These notions were what prompted him to investigate the peasant uprisings in Hunan while the rest of China's communists were in the cities and focused on the orthodox Marxist proletariat.[92] Many of the pillars of Maoism such as the distrust of intellectuals and the abhorrence of occupational specialty are typical populist ideas.[13] The concept of "people's war" which is so central to Maoist thought is directly populist in its origins. Mao believed that intellectuals and party cadres had to become first students of the masses to become teachers of the masses later. This concept was vital to the strategy of the aforementioned "people's war".[13]

Nationalism

Mao's nationalist impulses also played a crucially important role in the adaption of Marxism to the Chinese model and in the formation of Maoism.[93] Mao truly believed that China was to play a crucial preliminary role in the socialist revolution internationally. This belief, or the fervor with which Mao held it, separated Mao from the other Chinese communists and led Mao onto the path of what Leon Trotsky called "Messianic Revolutionary Nationalism", which was central to his personal philosophy.[92] German post–World War II far-right activist Michael Kühnen, himself a former Maoist, once praised Maoism as being a Chinese form of Nazism.[94]

Mao-Spontex

Mao-Spontex refers to a Maoist interpretation in western Europe which stresses the importance of the cultural revolution and overthrowing hierarchy.[95]

See also

• Asiatic mode of production
• Deng Xiaoping Theory
• History of the People's Republic of China
• Ideology of the Communist Party of China
• Mao Zedong's cult of personality
• Marxism–Leninism
• Marxism–Leninism–Maoism
• New Left in China
• Three Represents
• Scientific Outlook on Development
• Socialism with Chinese characteristics
• Xi Jinping Thought

References

1. Lenman, B. P.; Anderson, T., eds. (2000). Chambers Dictionary of World History. p. 769.
2. "The five main contributions of Maoism to communist thought". Nuovo PCI. Nuovo Partito Comunista Italiano. 18 October 2007. Retrieved 6 December 2019.
3. Brown, Nikolai (5 August 2011). "What is Maoism?". Anti-imperialism. Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist Movement. Archived from the original on 15 June 2014. Retrieved 6 December 2019.
4. "Marxism-Leninism-Maoism Basic Course". Massalijn. Communist Party of India (Maoist). 11 June 2014. Retrieved 6 December 2019.
5. Moufawad-Paul, J. (2016). Continuity and Rupture: Philosophy in the Maoist Terrain. New York City: Zero Books. ISBN 978-1785354762.
6. Lovell, Julia (2019). Maoism: A Global History. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-525-65605-0. OCLC 1135187744.
7. Meisner, Maurice (Jan–Mar 1971). "Leninism and Maoism: Some Populist Perspectives on Marxism-Leninism in China". The China Quarterly. 45 (45): 2–36. doi:10.1017/S0305741000010407. JSTOR 651881.
8. Bullock, Allan; Trombley, Stephen, eds. (1999). The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought (3rd ed.). p. 501.
9. Meisner, Maurice. Mao's China and After, New York:Free Press, 1999. pp. 12–16.
10. Meisner, Maurice. Mao's China and After. New York: Free Press, 1999. p. 10.
11. Meisner, Maurice. Mao's China and After. New York: Free Press, 1999. p. 11.
12. Meisner, Maurice. Mao's China and After. New York: Free Press, 1999. p. 14.
13. Meisner, Maurice. Mao's China and After. New York: Free Press, 1999. p. 44.
14. Meisner, Maurice. Mao's China and After. New York: Free Press, 1999. p. 17.
15. Meisner, Maurice. Mao's China and After. New York: Free Press, 1999. p. 18.
16. Meisner, Maurice. Mao's China and After. New York: Free Press, 1999. p. 45.
17. Lowe, Donald M. The Function of "China" in Marx, Lenin, and Mao. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966. p. 109.
18. Lowe, Donald M. The Function of "China" in Marx, Lenin, and Mao. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966. p. 111.
19. Lowe, Donald M. The Function of "China" in Marx, Lenin, and Mao. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966. p. 113.
20. Lowe, Donald M. The Function of "China" in Marx, Lenin, and Mao. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966. p. 117.
21. Lowe, Donald M. The Function of "China" in Marx, Lenin, and Mao. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966. p. 118.
22. Lowe, Donald M. The Function of "China" in Marx, Lenin, and Mao. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966. p. 119.
23. Sandmo, Agnar. Economics Evolving: A History of Economic Thought, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2011, p.000.
24. Gregor, A. James; Chang, Maria Hsia (1978). "Maoism and Marxism in Comparative Perspective". The Review of Politics. 40: 3. pp. 307–327.
25. Sandmo, Agnar (2011). Economics Evolving: A History of Economic Thought, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, p.000.
26. Mao, Zedong. "The Great Union of the Popular Masses". Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung. Retrieved 25 April 2019.
27. Amin, Samir (October 2009). "The Countries of the South Must Take Their Own Independent Initiatives". The Third World Forum. Archived from the original on 23 July 2011. Retrieved 22 February 2011.
28. "Quotations From Chairman Mao". Peking Foreign Languages Press. Retrieved 1 April 2018.
29. Alexander C. Cook, "Third World Maoism" in A Critical Introduction to Mao. Cambridge, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Cambridge University, 2011. p. 290.
30. Alexander C. Cook, "Third World Maoism" in A Critical Introduction to Mao. Cambridge, England, UK; New York, New York, USA, Cambridge University Press, 2011, pp. 289–290.
31. Mao Tse Tung, "On contradiction", Selected Readings from the Works of Mao Tse-Tung, Foreign Language Press, Peking, 1967, p. 75.
32. Mao Tse-Tung, "On contradiction", Selected Readings from the Works of Mao Tse-Tung, op. cit., p. 89.
33. Cfr. Mao Tse-Tung, "On practice. On the relation between knowledge and practice, between knowing and doing", Selected Readings from the Works of Mao Tse-Tung, op.cit., p. 55: "Man's social practice is not confined to activity in production, but takes many forms—class struggle, political life, scientific and artistic pursuits; in short, as a social being, man participates in all spheres of the practical life of society. Thus man, in varying degrees, comes to know the different relations between man and man, not only through his material life but also though his political and cultural life (both of which are intimately bound up with material life)".
34. "Maoism". Glossary of Terms. Encyclopedia of Marxism.
35. John H. Badgley, John Wilson Lewis. Peasant Rebellion and Communist Revolution in Asia. Stanford, California, USA: Stanford University Press, 1974. p. 249.
36. "Xinhua: Constitution of the Communist Party of China". news.xinhuanet.com. Archived from the original on 17 October 2011. Retrieved 10 November 2011.
37. "UC Berkeley Journalism -Faculty - Deng's Revolution". Archived from the original on 4 January 2009. Retrieved 22 August 2007.CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
38. "Exploring Chinese History :: Culture :: Philosophy :: Maoism". ibiblio.org. Retrieved 17 January 2019.
39. "Exploring Chinese History :: Culture :: Philosophy :: Maoism". ibiblio.org. Retrieved 26 February 2018.
40. "China the Four Modernizations, 1979-82". country-studies.com. Retrieved 10 November 2011.
41. S. Zhao, "A State-Led Nationalism: The Patriotic Education Campaign in Post-Tiananmen China", Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 1998, 31(3): p. 288.
42. For a newest expression of the official judgment see 中国共产党历史第二卷下册，中共中央党史研究室著，中共党史出版社，第二八章对"文化大革命"十年的基本分析(History of China Communist Party, Vol. 2, Party History Research Centre (November 2010), Chap. 28 Analysis on Cultural Revolution).
43. Latham, Judith (19 August 2010). "Roma of the former Yugoslavia". Nationalities Papers: The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity. 27, 1999 (2): 205–226. doi:10.1080/009059999109037.
44. Hobday, Charles (1986). Communist and Marxist Parties of the World. Harlow: Longman. pp. 410–411. ISBN 0-582-90264-9.
45. Hobday, Charles (1986). Communist and Marxist Parties of the World. Harlow: Longman. p. 377. ISBN 0-582-90264-9.
46. "The Party of Labour of Albania – A New Centre of Revisionism". www.marxists.org. Retrieved 2019-10-09.
47. "Khmer Rouge Duch trial nears end". BBC News. 23 November 2009. Retrieved 12 May 2010.
48. "Duch's 'excruciating remorse'". Archived 29 November 2009 at the Wayback Machine
49. "What Went Wrong with the Pol Pot Regime". aworldtowin.org. Archived from the original on 10 August 2011. Retrieved 10 November 2011.
50. "Afghanistan Maoists Unite in a Single Party". web.archive.org. 2006-08-25. Retrieved 2021-01-12.
51. "Declaration of Australian Marxist-Leninists". Marxists Internet Archive. Retrieved 16 November 2019.
52. Alexander, Robert Jackson (2001). Maoism in the Developed World. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 59. ISBN 9780275961480.
53. "End of the Road for Grippa?" (PDF). World Outlook. 17 November 1967. p. 930. Retrieved 10 October 2019.
54. D. Van Herrewegen, "De verdeeldheid van radicaal-links in Vlaanderen: De strategische -en praktische breuklijnen tussen AMADA, de KPB en de RAL tussen 1969-1972", unpublished masterpaper, Department of History, pp. 25–29.
55. "Maoists fourth deadliest terror outfit after Taliban, IS, Boko Haram: Report".
56. Gorriti Ellenbogen, Gustavo (1999). The Shining Path : a history of the millenarian war in Peru. Internet Archive. Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0-8078-2373-6.
57. Saulo, Alfredo. Communism in the Philippines.
58. Constitution and Program (PDF) (2016 ed.). Communist Party of the Philippines.
59. Säfve, Torbjörn (1971). "Rebellrörelsens förlopp". Rebellerna i Sverige. Dokumentation, kritik, vision (in Swedish). Göteborg: Författarförlaget. Retrieved 27 March 2020.
60. Editors, History com. "President Nixon arrives in China for talks". HISTORY. Retrieved 2020-06-24.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
61. Elbaum, Max (1998). "Maoism in the United States". www.marxists.org. Retrieved 2020-06-23.
62. Twombly, Matthew (January 2018). "A Timeline of 1968: The Year That Shattered America". Smithsonian Magazine. Retrieved 2020-06-23.
63. Marks, Thomas A.; Rich, Paul B. (2017-05-04). "Back to the future – people's war in the 21st century". Small Wars & Insurgencies. 28 (3): 409–425. doi:10.1080/09592318.2017.1307620. ISSN 0959-2318.
64. Leonard, Aaron J.; Gallagher, Conor A. (2015-02-27). Heavy Radicals - The FBI's Secret War on America's Maoists: The Revolutionary Union / Revolutionary Communist Party 1968-1980. John Hunt Publishing. ISBN 978-1-78279-533-9.
65. Elbaum, Max (2018-02-06). Revolution in the Air: Sixties Radicals Turn to Lenin, Mao and Che. Verso Books. ISBN 978-1-78663-459-7.
66. "MIM Notes". www.prisoncensorship.info. Retrieved 2020-06-23.
67. CDT, Posted on 04 21 09 10:42 AM. "RealClearSports - Richard Nixon - Mao Zedong". www.realclearpolitics.com. Retrieved 2020-06-23.
68. Times, Max Frankel;Special to The New York (1972-02-21). "HISTORIC HANDSHAKE: President Nixon being welcomed by Premier Chou En‐lal. At the left is Mrs. Nixon". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2020-06-23.
69. Saba, Paul (22 May 1981). "End of the Line for American Maoism". www.marxists.org. Retrieved 2020-06-23.
70. Editors, History com. "Vietnam War". HISTORY. Retrieved 2020-06-24.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
71. Oliver, Pamela. "Black Against Empire: The History and Politics of the Black Panthers – Race, Politics, Justice". Retrieved 2020-06-24.
72. Hermidda, Ariane. "Mapping the Black Panther Party - Mapping American Social Movements". depts.washington.edu. Retrieved 2020-06-24.
73. Earl, Anthony. "Black Panther Party". web.stanford.edu. Retrieved 2020-06-24.
74. Ren, Chao (2009) "“Concrete Analysis of Concrete Conditions”: A Study of the Relationship between the Black Panther Party and Maoism," Constructing the Past: Vol. 10 : Iss. 1 , Article 7.
75. Huey P. Newton, Revolutionary Suicide (New York: Writers and Readers Publishing Inc., 1995), 323.
76. Vasquez, Delio (2018-06-11). "Intercommunalism: The Late Theorizations of Huey P. Newton, 'Chief Theoretician' of the Black Panther Party". Viewpoint Magazine. Retrieved 2020-06-24.
77. Chao, Eveline (2016-10-14). "Let One Hundred Panthers Bloom". ChinaFile. Retrieved 2020-06-24.
78. "70 per cent good, 30 per cent bad".
79. Graham Young, On Socialist Development and the Two Roads, The Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No. 8 (July 1982), pp. 75–84, doi:10.2307/2158927.
80. Political Philosophy from Plato to Mao, by Martin Cohen, p. 206, published 2001 by Pluto Press, London and Sterling VA ISBN 0-7453-1603-4.
81. "Enver Hoxha: Imperialism and the Revolution (1979)". Marxists Internet Archive. Retrieved 19 September 2019.
82. "Enver Hoxha: Imperialism and the Revolution (1979)". Marxists Internet Archive. Retrieved 19 September 2019.
83. "Enver Hoxha: Imperialism and the Revolution (1979)". Marxists Internet Archive. Retrieved 19 September 2019.
84. "Enver Hoxha: Imperialism and the Revolution (1979)". Marxists Internet Archive. Retrieved 19 September 2019.
85. "Meisner, Maurice. Mao's China and After. New York: Free Press, 1999. p. 44.
86. Jung Chang and Jon Halliday, Mao: The Untold Story (Jonathan Cape, 2005) p. 3.
87. policy autumn 06_Edit5.indd Archived 16 February 2010 at the Wayback Machine
88. Teiwes, Frederick C., and Warren Sun. 1999. 'China's road to disaster: Mao, central politicians, and provincial leaders in the unfolding of the great leap forward, 1955-1959. Contemporary China papers. Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe. pp. 52–55.
89. MacFarquhar, Roderick. 1974. The origins of the Cultural Revolution. London: Published for Royal Institute of International Affairs, East Asian Institute of Columbia University and Research Institute on Communist Affairs of Columbia by Oxford University Press. p. 4.
90. Link, Perry (18 July 2007). "Legacy Of a Maoist Injustice". The Washington Post. Retrieved 1 April 2018.
91. Judith Shapiro, Mao's War Against Nature: Politics and the Environment in Revolutionary China, 2001, Cambridge University Press, p. 306, ISBN 0521786800.
92. Meisner, Maurice. Mao's China and After. New York: Free Press, 1999. p. 43.
93. Meisner, Maurice. Mao's China and After. New York: Free Press, 1999. p. 42.
94. Lee, Martin A. The Beast Reawakens: Fascism's Resurgence from Hitler's Spymasters to Today, 2013. p. 195.
95. "Investigation into the Maoists in France, Benny Lévy 1971". marxists.org. Retrieved 11 February 2019.

Further reading

• Brown, Jeremy, and Matthew D. Johnson, eds. Maoism at the Grassroots: Everyday Life in China's Era of High Socialism (Harvard UP, 2015) online review.
• Cook, Alexander C., ed. Mao's Little Red Book: A Global History (Cambridge UP, 2014).
• Feigon, Lee. Mao: A Reinterpretation. Ivan R. Dee, Publisher.
• Fields, Belden. “French Maoism,” in The 60s Without Apology, ed. Sohnya Sayrers et al. (University of Minnesota Press, 1984), 148–78
• Gregor, A. James and Maria Hsia Chang. "Maoism and Marxism in Comparative Perspective." The Review of Politics. Vol. 40, No. 3, (1978). pp. 307–327. JSTOR 1407255.
• Kang, Liu. "Maoism: Revolutionary globalism for the Third World revisited." Comparative Literature Studies 52.1 (2015): 12–28. online
• Lanza, Fabio. The end of concern: Maoist China, activism, and Asian studies (Duke UP, 2017). online review
• Lovell, Julia. Maoism: A Global History (2019), a comprehensive scholarly history
• Meisner, Maurice. "Leninism and Maoism: Some Populist Perspectives on Marxism-Leninism in China." The China Quarterly. No. 45, January–March 1971. pp. 2–36. JSTOR 651881.
• Mignon, Carlos, and Adam Fishwick. "Origins and evolution of Maoism in Argentina, 1968–1971." Labor History 59.4 (2018): 454–471. online
• Ning, Wang. "Introduction: global Maoism and cultural revolutions in the global context." Comparative literature studies 52.1 (2015): 1-11. online
• Palmer, David Scott. ed. The Shining Path of Peru (2nd ed 1994) excerpt
• Seth, Sanjay. “India Maoism: The Significance of Naxalbari,” in Critical Perspectives on Media and Society, ed. R. Avery and D. Easton (Guilford Press, 1991), 289–313.
• Starn, Orin. "Maoism in the Andes: The Communist Party of Peru-Shining Path and the refusal of history." Journal of Latin American Studies 27.2 (1995): 399–421. online
• Srivastava, Arun. Maoism in India (2015) excerpt
• Steiner, H. Arthur. "Maoism or Stalinism for Asia?" Far Eastern Survey. Institute of Pacific Relations. Vol. 22, No. 1, January 14, 1953. p. 1–5. JSTOR 3024690.
• Marxism in the Chinese Revolution by Arif Dirlik.
• Trotskyism and Maoism: Theory and Practise in France and the United States. A. Belden Fields (1988).
• Rethinking Mao: Explorations in Mao Zedong's Thought by Nick Knight.
• The Function of "China" in Marx, Lenin, and Mao by Donald Lowe.
• Maoism and the Chinese Revolution: A Critical Introduction by Elliott Liu.
• Li Ta-chao and the Origins of Chinese Marxism by Maurice Meisner.
• Marxism, Maoism, and Utopianism: Eight Essays by Maurice Meisner.
• Mao's China and After by Maurice Mesiner.
• Continuity and Rupture: Philosophy in the Maoist Terrain by J. Moufawad-Paul (2017).
• The Political Thought of Mao Tse-Tung by Stuart Schram.
• Mao Tse-Tung, the Marxist Lord of Misrule: On Practice and Contradiction by Slavoj Zizek.
• Mao Tse-Tung Unrehearsed by Stuart Schram (Pelican).

External links

• Maoism at the Encyclopædia Britannica.
• "Guiding thought of revolution: the heart of Maoism" (PDF). international project.
• Marx2Mao.org. Mao Internet Library.
• The Encyclopedia of Marxism. Mao Zedong Thought.
• The Encyclopedia of Marxism. Mao's life.
• Monthly Review (January 2005). Text of the leaflets distributed by the Zhengzhou Four.
• World Revolution Media. Maoist revolutionary film, music and art archive.
• Batchelor, J. (2009). "Maoism and Classical Marxism". Clio History Journal.
• "A new economic study says China could grow more quickly by 2036 if Chairman Mao's policies were brought back". Business Insider. 10 August 2015.